第 276 期·中文精读

Anthropic Fable 风波、AI 国有化、通胀升温、加州选举乱象

Anthropic's Fable Backlash, Nationalizing AI, Inflation Heats Up & California’s Broken Elections

聊Anthropic因暗中削弱模型与隐私问题遭遇的反弹、AI监管俘获陷阱与国有化争论,以及CPI走高和加州选举法规漏洞。

官方音频00:00 / --:--

本期章节点时间可跳到音频对应位置

  1. 0:00开场:老友们回归!
  2. 0:19Anthropic 因秘密削弱 Fable 与隐私问题遭强烈反弹
  3. 29:16AI 监管俘获陷阱与务实安全方案
  4. 37:59AI 国有化:特朗普/桑德斯、理由与 AI 的“资本主义叛徒”
  5. 59:22流动性盘点:最佳时刻与启示
  6. 1:05:39通胀升温:CPI 与 PPI 创 3 年多新高
  7. 1:12:27加州宽松选举法引发诚信质疑
中文精读由 AI 基于原始节目改写,非官方翻译,可能存在偏差或错误;观点归属与表述以原音频与官方文稿为准。说明

Anthropic 的新模型 Fable 5,在发布当周就给开发者社区留下了一个难以磨灭的印象:一位知名科技博主问了一句关于癌症和 GLP-1 药物的普通问题,被系统悄悄踢到了低配模型。本播客主持人杰森·卡拉卡尼斯(Jason Calacanis)在节目进行中两次演示了这个过程,一次问肥料监管,一次问核弹部件的管制历史,两次都被 Fable 5 静默降级,页面提示切换回了 Opus 4.8。

这就是 All-In 第 276 期的开场。四位常驻嘉宾,杰森、查马斯·帕里哈皮蒂亚(Chamath Palihapitiya)、大卫·萨克斯(David Sacks)、大卫·弗里德伯格(David Friedberg),花了整整一个小时讨论 Anthropic 这次发布背后的东西:强制留存数据、静默降级、以及一篇呼吁建立模型审批机构的新博客。然后话题延伸到伯尼·桑德斯提出政府应拿走 AI 公司 50% 股权的法案、五年新高的通胀数据,以及洛杉矶市长选举中那些统计上难以解释的选票。

Fable 5 发布:模型很强,但它在监视你

先把事实摆清楚。Fable 5 于周二发布,几乎横扫各大基准测试,token 价格是 Opus 4.8 的两倍,但因为能力更强,理论上总消耗 token 会更少。模型对生物武器、黑客攻击等敏感话题做了屏蔽。

问题出在三条政策上。第一,使用 Fable 时,Anthropic 会把用户输入的所有 prompt 数据至少留存三十天,没有任何例外,连签了零数据保留协议的企业客户也不能豁免,他们的选择只有不用这个新模型。第二,如果系统判定你在做前沿 AI 研究,也就是用他们的模型去造更好的、有竞争关系的模型,它会把你降级到较差的模型,而且不告诉你。第三,这些条款埋在一份 319 页的文档深处。舆论炸锅之后,Anthropic 对《连线》杂志表示,正在调整 Fable 5 的安全机制,让降级「更可见」。注意,是更可见,不是取消降级。

查马斯的判断分两层。模型本身确实出色,闭源前沿实验室的边界还在被他们往外推。但风险也随之变成了两块:对个人是审查风险,对企业是治理风险。

他解释企业那一面:你公司里任何一个下游科学家调用 Claude API、任何一个高管做研究、任何一个分子生物学人员,都可能在不自知的情况下触发红线,然后整个公司被切断一个重要的业务差异化来源。企业现在必须开始认真「承保」这个 AI 新阶段:谁被允许从这些信息里学习?要不要接受 AI 的单点故障风险?他的结论是企业需要广泛的模型多样性和更好的治理架构。

查马斯给 Anthropic 的评价有点绕,但很准确:他们说的是真话,只是这个真话咽下去之后你会觉得不舒服。

弗里德伯格的亲身经历:限制一收紧,大家就跑向中国开源模型

弗里德伯格讲了他自己公司 Ohalo 的遭遇,这段是整期节目信息密度最高的部分之一。

Ohalo 做农业基因组学。他们用大模型做基因变异的表型预测、做基因编辑用的 RNA 向导设计、设计能表达特定蛋白质的基因构件。大约六个月前,这些模型做这类研究又快又好,科学家原本要花大量时间的工作,模型很快就能完成。

过去几周,情况变了。Anthropic 以「生物武器风险」为由开始限制这类用法,弗里德伯格的团队正在失去用这些模型做科研的能力。

他的应对方案很直接:转向开源模型,本地部署。然后他抛出了那个让全场沉默的事实:目前最好的开源模型是中国的。美国的开源模型不如中国的开源模型。

弗里德伯格说,这种情况在初创公司和大企业里都在发生,所有人都在做这个迁移。Anthropic 给自己、给行业加的限制,正在把大量公司推向中国的开源模型。他警告说,你没法把 AI 关掉。政客们重复着达里奥式的恐吓言论,试图对模型提供商施加监管,最终受益的只会是中国开源生态。你无法阻止 AI,你只是把自己手里的优势让给了别人。

杰森追问:下一步你是不是要自己训模型了?弗里德伯格说是,拿开源基座模型,结合自己的数据,做一个内部的基因组语言模型。他认为这就是所有人的去向。

萨克斯补充了一个正面例子:ARC 研究所(Collison 兄弟等人出资)发布了基因组语言模型,把世界上能拿到的基因组数据都训了进去。这个模型学会了「DNA 的语言」,看一段基因序列的字母排列,就能像判断英语写得好不好一样,判断这个变异是好是坏。弗里德伯格的植物育种项目已经在用它做输入。这是社区出钱、开源输出的范例,是对闭源生态最有力的制衡。

萨克斯:八个月前的「监管捕获」论断,正在成为共识

萨克斯说,八个月前他提出 Anthropic 在搞一场基于恐吓的精密监管捕获行动时,大家觉得这个说法很劲爆。八个月后,这几乎成了新共识。

他把这次开发者的愤怒拆成三块。

第一块是监视。这是一家宣称反对政府监控的公司,现在对每一发 prompt 和输出强制留存三十天。而且不只是 prompt 和输出,还包括你传给它的全部上下文。现在所有 Agent 平台都在把用户的记忆、文件、数据塞进巨大的上下文窗口来换取更好的回答,Anthropic 说这些它全都留着,用来给你建档案、给你分类,然后决定给你解锁什么能力。

第二块是产品降级。只要 Anthropic 单方面认定你「不配」获得某级信息,它就会悄悄削弱模型输出,会在后台改写你的 prompt,会收着你以为买到的前沿模型的钱,却不告诉你你拿到的不是前沿能力。退款没有,告知没有。杰森插话说这明显是反竞争行为,萨克斯说完全同意。

第三块才是他们退让的那一小块:现在降级时会披露了。但降级本身还在继续。

网友晒出的翻车案例包括:有人仅仅问了一个关于线粒体的问题就被降级;Stratechery 的本·汤普森(Ben Thompson)问癌症风险和 GLP-1 药物的相关性,也被踢了出去。

萨克斯的总结是:我们正在看到终局的预演。强大的科技公司会决定你是否「配得上」,决定你是 AI 的有产者还是无产者,然后根据它给你建的档案来审查你收到的内容。这非常奥威尔。

查马斯在这之上又加了一层更隐蔽的风险:平台会开始挑选它想惠及的公司。如果 Anthropic 和诺华有战略合作而和礼来没有,而诺华恰好有一款和礼来竞争的 GLP-1 药物,你问药的问题时得到的答案可能就被塑形了。你永远不知道。更麻烦的是,事后追责很难:如果怀疑某次输出被动了手脚,监管者应该能调出那次模型运行的完整轨迹,但平台有无数种方式把痕迹藏起来。

弗里德伯格的自由市场反驳,和萨克斯的致命一击

弗里德伯格这时站出来唱了个反调,这是本期最有价值的一段交锋。

他说,从自由市场角度看,这些担心重要吗?市场上有那么多模型,只要不限制、不监管,让它们竞争就好了。早期搜索引擎搞付费收录,搞各种暗箱交易的引擎用户体验都很差,最后大家全跑去用谷歌了。Anthropic 这么搞,用户不也会用脚投票吗?

萨克斯承认这个逻辑本身成立,但指出弗里德伯格漏了关键一环:就在 Anthropic 强制监视和降级模型的同时,达里奥发了一篇新博客,说透明已经不够了,我们需要一个像 FAA 或 FDA 那样的新监管机构来审批所有模型。

这就是问题所在。如果你可以换一家问问题,那自由市场逻辑成立。但 Anthropic 在做潜在反竞争行为的同时,正在呼吁政府限制你的选项。它不满足于在自由市场里赢,它要求政府出手封杀潜在竞争者、限制你能用的模型数量。杰森补刀说得更直白:他们想监管的其实是开源,因为开源没法被监管,这是一场针对本地跑模型的先发制人打击。

查马斯接着算了一笔让人头皮发麻的账。他两年前在亚利桑那和合伙人买了 2000 英亩地,完成了审批,可以建一个 2 吉瓦的数据中心。他本来的计划是转手卖给黑石、博枫或者谷歌。现在他改变了主意,因为他意识到开源模型能拿到的算力少得可怜,绝大部分兆瓦还是流向大模型公司。他刚在另一个地方对额外的 1 吉瓦容量出了价。想用 3 吉瓦给开源社区造一个深度、流动性好的算力池,就得有人下场去建。

但钱从哪来?查马斯给出了数字:现在建 1 吉瓦的数据中心要 1000 亿美元。他启动这个项目时成本是 40 到 50 亿美元,涨了 20 倍。3 吉瓦意味着 3000 亿美元。他明说自己没这个钱。这就是资本护城河:即使整个社区想给开源生态输血,钱也凑不出来。再叠加监管侧的抽梯子,美国将被锁死在一类模型、一套规则里,而世界其他地方不受此限。弗里德伯格接话说,中国在生物科技、材料科学、新工业体系上都在加速,这种能力的单侧失衡才是美国劳动力真正的风险。

杰森替达里奥做的最强辩护,以及核弹类比

杰森在这里做了一个不错的 steel man(最强论证)。他说达里奥要么是妄想狂,要么真见过什么极其强大的东西,并且真心认为它危险。如果是后者,那么这套操作在内部逻辑上是自洽的:先捂住不发布(四月那个 Mythos 模型就是没公开发,先给了帕洛阿尔托网络等伙伴,其 CEO 尼凯什确认用它封堵了自家漏洞),再谨慎放出,盯紧使用,误伤弗里德伯格研究土豆也在所不惜。用户是自愿使用的,可以退回旧模型。达里奥的沟通确实灾难,但杰森说了一个扎心的观察:90% 的 AI 研究员、这个行业最有天赋的人,想法和达里奥一模一样。这就是他赢的原因。相信自己在造神的人,想去给他打工。

查马斯顺便踩了 Meta 一脚:如果扎克伯格两年前按他们当时建议的博弈论打法,把 Llama 做成一个真正能打的开源模型、把所有人的利润空间烧光,今天根本不会是这局面。多大的昏招。

弗里德伯格随后给了本期最完整的一段论述。他先承认了风险的真实性:这些工具确实可以被武器化,三类武器,网络武器、物理武器、生物武器。但让武器成为可能的能力,和治愈癌症、多产粮食、让每个人成为企业家的能力,是同一批能力。他自己认识的很多他真心尊重的人,都对模型的能力边界有真实担忧。

他引了曼哈顿计划的先例:科学家们当初既发现了可裂变的原子能,也造出了原子弹,很多参与者在事后表达了强烈反对。他说我们现在就在那个时刻。但结论应该是:限制和监管应该围绕「工具被武器化的产出」,而不是限制工具本身的获取。

查马斯用曼哈顿项目的教训补了刀:技术本质上是决定论,凡是有可能的,都至少会被尝试一次。潘多拉的盒子已经开了。指望把它塞回去、让一小撮私人公民裁决谁可以用什么,是疯了。

查马斯还提出了一个很锋利的检验标准:卖肥料都有 KYC(实名认证),买炸药原料要出示身份证。Anthropic 完全可以明天就实施 KYC。弗里德伯格应该能去 Anthropic 说:我是大卫·弗里德伯格,这是我做的事,这是我愿意缴的安全保证金,这是我全部员工的名单和地址,给我 Fable 5 别降级我。但他做不到。查马斯说:不做 KYC,就是他们真实意图的「罪证」。如果你没有那个议程,你昨天就该把 KYC 做了。杰森辩解说绑信用卡算基本 KYC,查马斯直接怼回去:一张信用卡加一个邮箱,那不叫 KYC。

弗里德伯格仍然坚持自由市场立场:我不在乎他们做这个决定,因为他们会失去我这个客户,市场会有其他选项。萨克斯再次敲黑板:你缺的那块拼图是,这是一家万亿美元估值的公司,正花几十亿美元推一个监管捕获议程,这个议程会剥夺你选择其他模型的自由。最后剩下的将是一到三家公司组成的垄断或双寡头,加上一个与它们之间旋转门大开的新政府机构,一起决定谁配用什么能力。

节目里还出现了一个黑色幽默的注脚:杰森、弗里德伯格和查马斯最后笑称这些 AI CEO 是「资本主义自愿者」,达里奥的癖好就是求政府没收他的股权、求监管。玩笑归玩笑,这个玩笑其实准确描摹了他们眼中 Anthropic 行为的内在矛盾。

务实的安全方案:管产出,别管输入

讨论并非只停留在批判。萨克斯举了一个他觉得合理的监管样板:各大 AI 实验室和众多签署方最近联名支持「强制核酸合成筛查与记录」的立法。逻辑是:你去合成实验室下 DNA 或 RNA 序列的订单时,实验室本来就要对照数据库核查是不是在造埃博拉之类的生物武器,这源自 2009 年国际基因合成联盟的自愿协议,跑了十五年,体系成熟,几乎人人遵守。现在要做的只是把自愿变成强制。

弗里德伯格补充说,那些寡核苷酸合成公司的 CEO 们自己也签了这封信,因为系统已经做得高效不拖科研后腿,强制化只是把既成事实写进法条。

这是四个人难得的全员共识:干预点应该放在「输出进入物理世界」的环节,而不是「谁能使用模型」的入口。问一句线粒体或 GLP-1 就被降级,和在下单合成序列时做筛查,是两种完全不同颗粒度的干预,后者不威胁言论自由,不搞能力守门。

至于开源还能不能被收回?弗里德伯格的答案是收不回了。模型已经发布,就像书已印出,任何人在家用复印机就能复制。ARC 的基因组模型人人都拷贝了一份。你可以关掉互联网吗?可以关掉古腾堡印刷机吗?卢比孔河已经渡过了。

桑德斯的 50% 没收案:AI CEO 们自己教出来的政治反弹

第二个大话题。6 月 1 日,参议员伯尼·桑德斯在《纽约时报》发了一篇题为《AI 是公共资源,你应该拥有一半》的评论文章,宣布了《美国 AI 主权财富基金法案》:对最大几家 AI 公司(OpenAI、Anthropic、xAI 等)的股权,注意是股票而非利润,一次性征收 50% 的税,股份注入政府主权财富基金,公众获得投票权和每个董事会的对等席位。桑德斯的说法是:AI 的地基是人类集体的智慧,那些书、歌、新闻、科研、代码,基本上是被世界上最富有的一群人偷走的。

杰森指出这套说辞的奇怪联盟效应:伯尼、班农、政府里的人、特朗普本人都爱主权财富基金,马蹄铁理论在 AI 国有化这件事上完美合拢。

萨克斯的立场是明确反对没收,那是赤裸裸的财产充公,先例太坏。但他理解这个政治反应从哪来,而且他讲得很透。

他的逻辑链是:这些 AI CEO 自己在反复告诉公众,他们要让一半美国人失业。达里奥一年前明确说过,未来一到五年内初级知识工作者 50% 会失业,而且最近接受采访时还在加倍下注,没有任何收回的意思。这些公司承认自己的模型是用全人类几百年几千年积累的知识训练的,这些知识是大家免费放上互联网的,没人上传时是想着让自己失业的。现在这些公司又说要用这东西让美国人下岗。普通美国人听多了,自然会问:这里面有我的份吗?

所以萨克斯说,伯尼的提案是政治上的自然反应,而且是这些公司自己教给美国公众的叙事。他不相信末日失业论,数据也不支持:五月就业报告爆表,新增 7.2 万个岗位,是经济学家预期的两倍多;建筑业新增几十万个岗位;失业率 4.3% 处于低位;连软件开发岗位都创三年新高。但问题是,公众听到的版本是 AI 等于失业。

他还区分了三位 CEO 的不同说法:马斯克描述的是机器人加 AI 产能大到没人需要工作的终极状态,几乎是乌托邦,可能一百年后的事;达里奥说的是具体的一到五年内 50% 初级岗位消失,这条萨克斯认为已被证伪;萨姆·奥特曼早期也说过失业要来,但最近承认数据里看不到,说自己错了。三个人说的不是同一件事,但公众耳朵里收到的是同一个信息。

萨克斯最后憋出一个金句:这些公司活该,这是一笔「蠢人税」,因为他们多年来一直在教育公众「我们做的事是有害的」。他作为白宫 AI 负责人天天在外面说 AI 有益,可提供 AI 的公司自己说自己有问题,这叫他还怎么辩护。

杰森的总结更狠:你一边造弗兰肯斯坦,一边说你停不下这个怪物,可怪物是你自己造的,插头在你手里。真信就拔插头。逻辑上站不住。

萨克斯还点出了另一处虚伪:Anthropic 上周发博客说递归自我改进可能毁灭世界需要暂停,而上个月他们刚雇了安德烈·卡帕西(Andrej Karpathy)来负责 Anthropic 的递归自我改进。本·汤普森的分析是,那篇「暂停」博客就是在给这周剥夺用户用 Fable 研究 AI、机器学习、芯片设计权限这个反竞争动作做铺垫。

弗里德伯格的替代方案:把社保基金改造成主权财富基金

当杰森问弗里德伯格怎么看财富税和资产充公时,他给出了本期最具政策想象力的一段。

他的框架是:美国政府为公民提供社会保障的时代已经定型,社保信托基金是全美最后几个固定收益计划之一,几千万人靠它退休。私人部门早就全是固定缴费计划了。与其没收 AI 公司的股份,不如做一个结构性改革:现在社保信托基金里只有一张凭证,一张美国财政部特别债券,美国政府欠社保基金 4 万亿美元,仅此而已,因为它只被允许持有国债。

弗里德伯格的方案:改法律,让社保基金能持有股票;把固定收益改成个人账户制,每个人都有自己的账户;用这批资本去买优秀美国公司的股票,包括 AI 公司。不是充公,是投资,资本进入企业,股份记在全体公民的个人账户里,人人都成为股东。社保体系就此改造成一个主动管理的主权财富基金。

查马斯的点评一针见血:弗里德伯格这个想法是天才级的,所以永远不可能通过。但他补充了一个重要的经济学视角,解释为什么政府有资格谈条件。互联网时代的经济奇迹在于,新增一个用户的边际成本近乎为零,这是谷歌和 Facebook 几十年超额利润的来源,一台印钞机。AI 完全相反:每一个新增用户都在真实地消耗 GPU、电力和内存,边际成本极高,而且这一切建立在政府参与建设的关键基础设施之上。

查马斯打了个比方:这就像联邦政府修了州际公路系统,然后冒出两家公司垄断了全部货运,当时政府完全有理由问,你们跑在我的路上,我该占多少?从这个视角看,AI 实验室离不开国家层面的关键基础设施和韧性保障,又背着极高的边际成本,政府谈股权时有巨大的筹码。查马斯说,如果是他来操盘这个主权财富基金,谈完大概能拿到这些公司 75% 的股份。桑德斯拿不到,因为他不会谈判,所以这个提案哪儿也去不了。

杰森顺便报了 Polymarket 上几家公司年底前 IPO 的概率:SpaceX 百分之百(查马斯插话:这是指内部人股份流通),Anthropic 83%,OpenAI 48%(后者已披露秘密递交了上市申请)。

Liquidity 峰会花絮与托马斯·拉丰的独角兽数据

这期节目中间有一段 Liquidity 峰会的回顾,大部分是晚宴、赞助商和高尔夫的闲篇(查马斯和 Athena 的首席商务官打了九洞赌局,每洞 100 美元,输了三个单位),但有一个数据值得单独拎出来。

托马斯·拉丰(Thomas Laffont)关于风险投资全景的演讲被萨克斯和查马斯一致评为全场最佳。核心数据是:独角兽(10 亿美元估值)长成十角兽(100 亿)的概率是 8%;十角兽长成百角兽(1000 亿)的概率约为 13%,翻了一倍;百角兽到万亿美元市值(杰森给这类公司起了个名字叫 Trillicorn)的概率是 31%,再翻一倍。

对资本配置者来说,这组数字直接改写了加仓逻辑:与其在 100 亿估值犹豫,不如在估值越高的关口加仓,因为幂律的尾部兑现概率是递增的。萨克斯当场问拉丰能不能外推,万亿美元到十万亿大概会是 60% 吧。查马斯还开了个玩笑:只要没收 30 家万亿美元公司的 10%,美国国债就清零了。

通胀回热:CPI 4.2%、PPI 6.5%,都在创多年新高

节目当天的消息:五月 CPI 同比 4.2%,2023 年 4 月以来最高;PPI 同比 6.5%,2022 年底以来最高。Polymarket 上,2026 年通胀冲到 5% 的概率是 21%;美联储今年加息的概率 49%,而伊朗开战前这个数字不到 10%。欧洲央行周四刚加息 25 个基点,是 2023 年 9 月以来首次。

弗里德伯格把原因分成两层:短期看,伊朗战争带来了能源冲击,推高了核心指数;宏观看,政府支出失控才是根子。他放了个狠话:在凯文·沃尔什(Kevin Walsh)执掌的美联储之下,隔夜利率看到 5.5% 到 6% 以上并非不可想象。他这段明显带着火气,查马斯调侃这是「passive aggressive」之最,弗里德伯格也懒得掩饰:这个国家财富不平等的核心问题、通胀的核心问题,全都根子在政府超支,句号。为了当选,政客必须承诺给选民比今天更多的东西,两百五十年后我们就在这儿了。

查马斯的视角更偏交易层面。他没料到数据这么热,但认为事情还没失控,原因有二:一,中国一直在平滑全球能源消耗,给油价压了盖子,现在油价在每桶 100 美元以下;二,太阳能这类无需复杂许可的务实能源被加速上马。真正的尾部风险是,如果中国储备耗尽、重返现货市场每天多买 300 万桶,油价可能冲到 150 到 200 美元区间,那时全世界的投入品成本都会传导进 CPI。所以 PPI 这份报告应该被视为警报,伊朗问题需要尽早下匝道,除非总统与习之间对中国系统的供给弹性有某种私下的默契,才撑得起打持久战。

萨克斯没有内幕消息(他特意声明),他只补充了一点市场微观结构:PPI 基本符合预期,所以当天市场不跌反涨,纳斯达克涨了 2.5%。正常情况下通胀超预期会让市场定价更高的利率、科技股承压,但今天没有,市场在定价某种形式的战争收场。

加州选举:法律层面干净,统计层面不可能

最后一个话题是洛杉矶市长初选的选票争议。弗里德伯格开场就用了《黑客帝国》的梗:没有选举,只有任命。

数据是这样的。洛杉矶县现场投票:斯宾塞·普拉特(Spencer Pratt)35%,卡伦·巴斯(Karen Bass)29%,尼提亚·拉曼(Nithya Raman)26%。选举日前收到的邮寄选票:巴斯 38%,普拉特 28%,拉曼 20%。选举日之后才寄到的邮寄选票:拉曼 37%,巴斯 35%,普拉特 19%。

对比前后两批邮寄选票:普拉特晚到的支持率跌了三分之一,拉曼涨了 80%,巴斯降了 10%。而且拉曼新增选票的地理集中点在洛杉矶的 Skid Row 贫民区一带。

弗里德伯格说他不是传统的「选举否认者」,但这个统计断层面他无法用正常的社会政治行为解释。他随后引用了美国众议院行政委员会 2020 年 5 月的一份报告,梳理了加州立法的演变:2018 年前后通过的 AB 1921 法案,把无限量「收票」合法化,任何个人可以收取任何他人的选票,无论关系如何,代填代交;随后立法永久化全民寄票,几千万张选票寄出;再后来,任何人都能登记投票,无需证明公民身份,健身房会员卡就能当证件。

他的结论措辞很谨慎:这里面可能没有任何违法行为,因为系统正是按设计在运转。这一整套法律叠加起来,把选举改造成了任命制。一人一票、不投票就不计票这两条民主原则被逐步侵蚀掉了。他引用了保险业的「逆向选择」概念:只要系统有可利用的漏洞,作恶者就会像黑客找网络漏洞一样找到它,并把它利用到不对称的程度。

萨克斯直接把机制拆开讲了一遍。加州给 2300 到 2400 万注册选民全员寄票,实际投票的只有 950 万人,剩下 1400 万张选票去向何方?他有位管公寓楼的朋友说,大厅邮箱里选票堆成山,收件人很多是搬走多年的人,选民名册多年没清洗。选举日不用证件,登记也不用证件。签名验证机器的匹配阈值只有 40%,比一半还低。更妙的是,只要有「见证人」签名,连选民本人的签名都不验。而见证人不需要登记、没有数据库,画个波浪线就行。所谓收票人把一沓选票代填、打叉、画波浪线、然后一锅端交上去,全程没有监管链条。加文·纽森刚签了法案,让事后审计变得更难。

萨克斯还做了一段排比:加州已被证实的欺诈,医疗补助欺诈、失业金欺诈、EBT 粮食券欺诈、临终关怀欺诈、无家可归产业链相关欺诈,动辄几十亿美元。同一批利益团体、同一批 NGO,会不会利用脏名册、无效地址、无监管链条、无签名验证、无证件这些漏洞?已有实锤的案例:一位叫 Brenda Lee Brown Armstrong 的人 2026 年认罪,罪名是付钱给 Skid Row 的人投票,每次两三美元。尼克·雪莉(Nick Shirley)在 Skid Row 的街头视频也拍到了当事人。

萨克斯的定性和弗里德伯格不同:弗里德伯格说这不是欺诈,这是法律允许的操纵;萨克斯说,管它合法不合法,它就是欺诈,区别只在于是合法的欺诈还是非法的欺诈。看看图表,看看数据,统计上不可能。别管别人给你贴「选举否认者」的标签,别否认你自己眼睛和耳朵看到的证据。斯宾塞·普拉特应该进决选,拉曼不是正当赢下的。他还引了《1984》的那句话:党让你拒绝自己眼睛和耳朵的证据,这是它最后也最根本的命令。

杰森在这段里扮演了程序正义的角色,反复要求 steel man:两边都作弊,一边限制投票通道,一边把通道开到失去控制;现代历史上还没有被舞弊实际翻转的重大选举(萨克斯立刻插了肯尼迪对尼克松和林登·约翰逊靠选票舞弊起家的历史旧账);要翻转这次的结果需要几千票,意味着几十到几百人的串谋,会留痕迹,特朗普掌控司法部,完全有能力去查。他最后的喊话是:特朗普总统,去查这个选举,用你的权力审计它。萨克斯回了一句:州法刚把联邦进来查选民名册的门也改窄了。

节目里唯一一个像样的「善意解释」来自弗里德伯格转述的推特说法:大量反对普拉特的人故意拖到最后一刻才投票,等看清民调里巴斯会赢,再把票投给拉曼,确保前两名都是民主党、把普拉特挡在决选之外。萨克斯一句话拆穿:那就是收票人干的,不是几十万选民自发协同的。弗里德伯格补刀说,普拉特本人接受他采访时说过,拉曼是截止前一小时才登记参选的,她和巴斯是盟友,整套操作的目的就是把普拉特挤出决选。

查马斯给出的宏观判断是:加州实际上是一个政治机器塑造的一党制「专制州」,规则被改到只有一党能赢,而这一党越来越没有能力治理一个如此复杂动态的州。这些腐烂要再过二十年才会完全显形。他给出的破局路径也很有意思:唯一砸玻璃的方案,是选出史蒂夫·希尔顿(Steve Hilton)这样一位顶级候选人,然后该州长上任第一天宣布紧急状态。紧急状态下能对加州治理结构做的事,他卖了个关子:顺着这条线拉一拉,你会发现的。

关于媒体为何不追问这个统计异常,查马斯的解释是:媒体还活在有人在乎它们说什么的旧时代,而每当有机会重建信任,它们都选择不抓住,因为它们想讨好的那个阵营不愿意配合。去质疑这个结果等于变相站队特朗普,而「我本该恨特朗普」。弗里德伯格附和说,这就是极化的毒:你一质疑选举公正性,就被扔进 MAGA 的筐里,哪怕这和 MAGA 毫无关系,只是一个统计学问题。查马斯最后给出了本期最数学的一个收尾:这个结果自然发生的概率是万亿分之一。你告诉我,万亿分之一的运气正好这一次砸中了?

给读者的行动结论

  • 如果你在企业里做技术选型,别把前沿模型能力当成单一供应源。查马斯的框架很实用:任何员工都可能无意触发红线导致整个组织被切断,模型组合的多样性和退出方案应该现在就进入采购决策。
  • 如果你在被「降级」影响的研究领域(生物、基因组、材料),认真评估开源加本地部署的路线。弗里德伯格的路径是可以复制的:开源基座模型加自有数据微调,做出只属于自己的领域模型。注意他同时提醒了算力现实,评估你的推理需求能不能在自有硬件上跑得动。
  • 投资视角记住拉丰的幂律数据。8%、13%、31% 的递增兑现率意味着头部加仓的逻辑有数据支撑,但也意味着中段标的(100 亿到 1000 亿之间)是被高估概率屠杀最重的区间。
  • 对通胀保持敬畏。PPI 6.5% 叠加伊朗战争的能源尾部风险,Polymarket 给的年内加息概率已到 49%。弗里德伯格喊出 5.5% 到 6% 的隔夜利率并非不可能,久期长的资产要重新过一遍压力测试。
  • 跟踪两件事的落地:加州的选民证件公投,以及桑德斯法案的走向。前者是这套邮寄投票制度是否会被州内民意纠错的试纸,后者决定了 AI 公司的股权结构里会不会被强制塞进一个政府股东。两者任何一个落地,都会重塑各自领域的规则。
文稿来自 All-In 官网(allin.com)发布的官方 Transcript,说话人按官网分轨数据标注,个别段落可能张冠李戴。
Jason Calacanis (00:00:00): Alright, everybody. Welcome back to the number one podcast in the world. It's your favorite podcast. It's your podcaster's favorite podcast. It's the podcast that everybody likes to rip off for 50 episodes and then they quit. But the all in podcast is not quitting. We're doubling down with the original quartet. Everybody's here for a big, big week. Lots of debates, and we gotta start with Anthropic. Anthropic released a mythos level model with some interesting guardrails and seems as though Dario is back to blogging. Okay. The model's called Fable five. No idea why they're calling it that. Released on Tuesday, and it tops every benchmark nearly on every benchmark. The tokens, however, cost twice as much as Opus 4.8, but it should use less tokens overall because it's theoretically that much better. Unclear if this is going to alleviate some of the hand wringing around the cost of tokens. But you'll remember in April, Anthropic famously did not release Mythos because publicly, it had some strong hacking capabilities, so they gave it to some folks. And we had, the CEO of, Nikesh of Palo Alto Networks who said, hey. Mythos was the real deal, and that they used it to seal up some vulnerabilities inside their shop. Obviously, this new model is sensitive, to topics like bioweapons, hacking, all that stuff are blocked in it. But they got a big developer backlash, And then I'll get your feedback after I explain this. While using Fable, Anthropic stores all the prompt data you enter for at least thirty days. And so that's a bit of a privacy issue. And if Fable five detects you're doing frontier AI research, in other words, using their model to make a better model, competitive model. They were downgrading you, but they weren't telling you. And this was buried deep in a 319 page document. So many kerfluffles, freak outs going on on x over this, but they've since walked it back a bit, quote, unquote, in wired. We're changing Fable five safeguards for frontier LLM development to make them more visible. I'm gonna stop there. Shammoth, what's your take on Anthropic and these extraordinary models they keep dropping? Jason Calacanis (00:02:18): And how they're handling the release of them? Are they being thoughtful? Are they being dramatic and drama queens? A little bit of both. Where do you stand on it, you know, after getting Nikesh's feedback and seeing the latest model come out? Have you played with it? What's going on at eighty ninety and the software factory in terms of benchmarking it as well? Chamath Palihapitiya (00:02:37): It's a really incredible model. And so kudos to these guys for continuing to push the boundaries of the closed frontier lab models. They're firing on all cylinders. I think that it creates a pretty obvious risk now. And I think that obvious risk is twofold. One is anthropic has essentially shown their hand, which is that they will increasingly take in prompts, evaluate the prompts, and decide what to do with them before they generate output to you. And I think if you were a person, you should generally now think there's a risk of censorship. If you're a company, I think it's almost a nonstarter. And the reason is because you could accidentally trip one of these things without even knowing it. A downstream scientist using the cloud APIs could trip it. A business executive inside your corporation could trip it. A person doing scientific molecular research could trip it. And all of a sudden, you'll get cut off from a very important source of business differentiation for yourself. So I think if you take both of those two things together, we're at this very unique moment in time where I think companies need to start underwriting this next phase of AI, which is how do I have control? Who am I allowing to learn off of all of this information? Do I want to have single point of failure risk with respect to AI? And I think the answer is that you need broad diversity and a governance approach that's better managed. One thing I'll say about anthropic is they tell the truth. Jason Calacanis (00:04:32): Yes. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:04:32): It's just that the truth sucks when you actually take it and you eat it and you're like it's in your tummy and you're like, no. This is not good. I don't like this. And so there's the censorship risk on the one hand, and then there's just the governance business risk for enterprises on the other. Both are not good. Jason Calacanis (00:04:47): Fribourg running your own company now, and I'll let you back clean up here. Sacks, obviously, you'll have a lot to say. But Freiburg running your company, do you worry about getting rug pulled by one of these companies, investing your time into one of these platforms, having them then constrain your use of it, and or take what you're doing at OHalo, put it into their model, and make it available to other people? What what concerns do have as a business owner at the forefront of your field using these tools? David Friedberg (00:05:15): It's a great question. The the terms of service is pretty clear that they can't take what you're doing and put it into their model that they won't them when you read them? I'm not sure, to be honest. There are things I'm concerned about, but we've decided to throw caution to the wind because we do a lot of proprietary work in genomics. What that means is we're looking at different genes or gene variants, trying to estimate the impact that that gene or gene variant might have on a living organism, like what we work in plants, obviously, in agriculture. And we will do things like RNA guide design for gene editing based tools. We will do predictions on what gene may or may not have some phenotype. So there's a lot of genomic modeling work that we have found these models to be incredibly valuable at supporting us with over the last couple of years. So going back about six months, we were able to very simply and cleanly do things like design a genetic construct that you would then use to make a specific protein. And the the tool was very easy to use to do that sort of research and extremely valuable. This is the kind of work that many scientists would spend a lot of time doing, and these models were very good at doing very quickly. Over the last couple of weeks, they've begun to restrict the ability to use the models to do that work. And the premise is that there's some sort of bioweapon, type risk that folks have theorized could happen using these tools. And as a result, we're losing the capacity to use these models for this very important scientific development work. As a result, we are likely going to end up needing to use open source models and run them locally ourselves. So the reason I walk through all of that is so people can really understand the context of what's gonna happen here. As folks like Anthropic say, hey. We're going to restrict access or censor the output of these models, it is going to force companies like ourselves who still wanna take advantage of the capability of these LLMs to go and get open source tools and run them. And what are the best open source models today? They're Chinese. David Friedberg (00:07:22): Yeah. They are. And that is a major concern. The the American open source models are not as good as the Chinese open source models. So the restrictions that Anthropic and others are putting upon themselves and upon the industry is forcing a lot of companies to go and get open source Chinese models and run them. We're seeing this across the landscape with startups Jason Calacanis (00:07:41): We see it. David Friedberg (00:07:41): With large scale enterprises. Everyone's making that move. Jason Calacanis (00:07:44): Yeah. And this is something we've been talking about here with Apple and their silicon and how well you can run these models. Also, I predict your next card you'll turn over is you'll start making your own models, Freiburg. You'll take all this data you have. David Friedberg (00:07:57): It's exactly right. And we'll we'll start we'll start with the core model, combine it with our data, and then we'll have our own genome language model or our own prediction model that we'll then use internally. And I think that's where folks are going. But the reason I point this out is because a lot of folks are feeling the pressure from Anthropic doing this, and they're feeling the pressure from politicians repeating the scary words that are being said by Dario and others. And as a result, they are going to try and they are already trying to force either natural enforcement or politicized enforcement upon the model providers in a way that is ultimately gonna benefit Chinese open source model providers. And that is a scary thing because we are gonna damage our own kind of economic viability. You can't just stop AI. As much as everyone says AI is doomsday, by stopping AI or trying to stop AI through this political action and social, you know, kind of behavior, you are fundamentally going to give someone else the advantage because the AI isn't gonna go away. The reason I describe what we're doing is for everyone to really understand in Grok that you can't just turn off AI and turn off access to these things. What you will do is you will force the hand of someone else to now have an unfair advantage because you're unfairly restricting your models and your access to those models. Jason Calacanis (00:09:09): Well well, really well said, Friedberg. Sax, what's your take just in terms of the chessboard, in terms of we've the business case here, we got the local case, but there's a lot of issues here with Anthropic in terms of them essentially throwing up every red flag to get regulated to induce, and it'll be our second story, the Bernie Sanders seizing half the equity of these companies. But man, this is saying, look over here. We're starting a fire. Regulate the hell out of us, which also then makes you wonder, hey. Maybe I should be doing my own model. Maybe I should be embracing open source models. How's this chessboard developing here, Sax? David Sacks (00:09:55): Well, look, eight months ago, I said that Anthropic was engaged in a very sophisticated regulatory capture campaign based on fear mongering. And people at the time thought that was a very spicy take. But eight months later, I think you're hearing a lot of people say it. In fact, I think it's almost now becoming a new consensus. And one of the things I think your summary didn't quite capture, J. Cal, is the sense of the violation of trust and how much outrage there is in the developer community over this latest Fable release. It's not just the fact that they're doing mandatory surveillance. Remember, this is a company that said that it was against government surveillance. They are now retaining for thirty days every prompt and every output you send to one of these mythos class models. There are no exceptions. Even enterprise customers who had signed zero data retention agreements, they do not have a choice, or I guess they can just not use the new Fable or Mythos class models, but they retain all of your data for thirty days. And it's not just the prompts and the output. Remember, it's all the context you share with them. So, you know, all these agent platforms are basically storing all of your memories, all of your files, all of your data, and they're passing them to the model in these giant context windows to get better responses. Anthropic is saying it will keep all of that And it does it to build a profile on you, to classify you, and then to determine what capabilities it then unlocks. And the thing that created the most outrage in addition to the surveillance is the fact that they would degrade the product. They would degrade what they show you. They would nerf their models if it decided in anthropic sole discretion that you are not worthy of having access to that level of information. So they're creating a new level of AI haves and have nots. And what they did is, and there's a narrow piece where they walk back, which is they said that when it came to things like machine learning, AI research, chip design research, those types of areas, they would kick you to a lesser model but not tell you that. David Sacks (00:12:00): And they would Jason Calacanis (00:12:01): even Which do things feels anticompetitive. Right? I mean David Sacks (00:12:03): That's completely anticompetitive. And also they would even do things like rewrite your prompt in the background. So they would give you a NERF to answer. They would not tell you what they were doing. They would still charge you for the product that you thought you were getting, and they would never tell you that you were not getting frontier model capability. Were actually misleading their users, and this is what was creating so much outrage. Now the narrow piece they walk back is they are now saying that they will disclose when they downgrade you, but they are still downgrading people when they decide that that person should not receive the appropriate information. And you saw there were a lot of people posting online with examples of the massive overreach here. So someone showed that when they simply just asked a question about mitochondria, they were basically downgraded. David Friedberg (00:12:53): That's right. David Sacks (00:12:54): When Ben Thompson from Strathecary asked a very straightforward question about the relationship between cancer risk and GLP-1s, he was kicked out. So these guys have a very expansive view of who should be downgraded. Again, they're going to surveil you to determine whether you should be. And I think what we're getting here is a vision of where all of this is headed, which is that these powerful big tech companies are gonna decide whether you're worthy. They're gonna decide whether you're an AI have or have not. And then they're gonna censor the output that you receive based on the criteria they determine when they profile you. That is very Orwellian. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:13:32): I think there's that. And I think that there's the risk of something that's more subtle but equally insidious, which is that they will start to pick which corporations they want to benefit. So for example, if Novartis has a competitive GLP one drug to Lilly and they have a strategic deal with Novartis and not one with Lilly, now there's an impetus to shape how people get information. David Sacks (00:14:01): Right. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:14:02): If they have a deal with JPMorgan but not with Citibank, you'll just never know. And so you'll ask a question, something about mortgage rates or interest rates, and you'll get all kinds of stuff that you don't understand. And then the downstream part of this, which is even more problematic, is it's not clear to me that they're gonna capture the actual fingerprint of what they did. So if you believe that something was done in a shady way, you're supposed to be able to go to them or regulators should be able to go to them and say, show me the trace of that model run-in that exact moment that generated that output. Convince me why that that wasn't nerfed on purpose or manipulated. And there's all kinds of ways in which they can hide the cheese on that. So I think that all of that body of stuff, Sax, happens now. Because if you're if you're an emergent company, what you should be doing is knocking on Anthropic stores saying, let's do a deal. I'll give you half the equity, and why don't you just direct people to me? And they'll say, well, economics are not what I care about. What is your philosophy on life, on morality, on all of these social issues? And one company will say it's a. Another company will say it's b. They'll favor a over b, and then all kinds of stuff can happen underneath the hood. That's what's scary. David Friedberg (00:15:30): Let me just ask my free market view. Like, should that matter? If there's a bunch of models out there and we don't restrict them and we don't regulate them, let these markets compete. We had paid inclusion in the early days of search engines, and the companies had to pay to be in there. And there were all those sorts of deals you're describing, Chamath. And all the search engines that did those sorts of deals, they sucked for consumers and customers. Everyone's like, you know what? This isn't as good as Google. And everyone went over to the better model and the better provider. Isn't that what's gonna happen here if we don't get in the way And or keep the government out of they're not communicating. It's a great point. David Sacks (00:16:02): You're missing one piece of it, which is at the same time that Anthropic was engaging in mandatory surveillance and nerfing its models. Dario wrote a new blog post Jason Calacanis (00:16:13): Oh, gosh. David Sacks (00:16:14): Saying that transparency was no longer good enough, that we needed to have a new regulatory agency like an FAA or maybe an FDA to approve all models. So your presumption there is correct. Yes. If you could go somewhere else to get your questions answered, then you would have alternatives. But at the same time that Anthropic is engaging in this potentially anticompetitive behavior, they want to restrict your options. It's not good enough for them just to win in the free market. They're calling on the government to regulate and stop potential competitors and limit the number of models that you have access And Jason Calacanis (00:16:53): why would they do that? Why would they want to get regulated? The answer, super simple. They don't they want to apply that regulation to open source, which is impossible. But this would be a great way to scuttle Chamath Palihapitiya (00:17:05): So look. Jason Calacanis (00:17:06): And sandbag open source models because they don't have the ability to be regulated. So it's like a preemptive strike against token maxing on your local machine, Shmuff. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:17:14): Two years ago, I bought 2,000 acres in Arizona with a partner. We got it zoned. We got it approved. So we're allowed to build a two gigawatt data center. And I thought that this was the moment where you just turn around and you flip it to the Blackstone's, Brookfields of the world, to the Googles of the world, let them develop it. And I've come to the conclusion that I don't think I can. And the reason is because I think that unless we direct large swaths of compute exactly at the direction that Friedberg says, what Sax says, and what Jason just said will happen and we won't have open source. So just to make it very clear, when you look at the long tail of access to open source models, it's relatively miniscule. Most of the megawatts are still directed to the big models. Most of them. The overwhelming majority still goes to the big guys. And so I'm coming to the conclusion that I think we may just be dragged into having to build two gigawatts, and I just put in an offer for another gigs in a different place. Because I'm like, if you could take three gigawatts and now actually create a deep and liquid access to open source, we're gonna have to do it. We as a community. Now I don't have the money to do that because just to put it out on the table, a gigawatt now costs a $100,000,000,000, guys. Jason Calacanis (00:18:32): Dude. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:18:33): Okay. So there's a huge capital moat that's a problem here as well, Saks, which even if we wanted to go and endorse and breathe life into the open source model community, where the hell am I gonna come up with a $100,000,000,000? Now when I started this project, it was like 4 or 5,000,000,000, and it's increased by 20 x. So if you wanna get all three gigawatts developed, I have to come up with 300,000,000,000. I don't have obviously, I don't have $300,000,000,000. So what are we all supposed to do? And then if you get the rug pull and the ladder pull on the regulatory side, we are going to be stuck with one class of models and one set of rules, and we won't understand how to operate. David Friedberg (00:19:10): In The US? David Sacks (00:19:12): Yeah. Yeah. Jason Calacanis (00:19:12): The rest of the David Sacks (00:19:13): world won't be limited, but in the rest of the world David Friedberg (00:19:15): we'll able to operate. Jason Calacanis (00:19:16): And you'll be able to run these on your Apple silicon, you know, M5. David Friedberg (00:19:21): Seeing China race ahead in biotech. They're racing ahead in material science. They're racing ahead in new industrial systems. The capabilities that are gonna be kind of lopsided is gonna create an unfair advantage, and that's when our workforce and where our economy is truly at risk. David Sacks (00:19:40): Hey, Freebird, isn't it true that you guys use a open source model for genomics? Didn't the Collisons put out one? You talk It's about David Friedberg (00:19:47): great. And the ARC Institute ingested all the world's genomic data that they could get access to, And it's it's a genome language model, basically. So in our plant breeding program, we're trying to figure out whether a particular variant of a gene in a plant is good or bad if we don't know from empiricism, from data historically, whether it's good or bad. So you can feed it into this model, and this model will look at the order of the letters of the DNA and determine, hey, that's a good set of letters or a bad set of letters. It's almost like, is that good English or bad English? It's figured out the language of DNA because it sees the probability of those letters being in a row in other organisms and so on. And so it's a very powerful tool. So we've taken that in and we're using it. And others are taking it in and they use it very actively. So it's part of our plant breeding program as an input. It's a good example where a community, in this case, the Collisons and others put money behind it to fund this research and output this open source model. And I think we see more of that kinda coming down the pipe, which creates a a very great advantage against the closed proprietary model ecosystem. So the more of this we can kind of support, proliferate, and see work in The United States, the more we're not gonna be disadvantaged of the government and self regulation happens with all the big model providers that are trying to do everything. Jason Calacanis (00:21:04): I think it's important we take a minute to just steel man the argument as well. If you're Dario, who has clearly been one shot at I think he's got, like, AI psychosis with these, like, 5,000 word blog posts, and he believes he's building this frank insight of a tool. But if you did believe you built something that's extremely powerful and you have concerns that people might misuse it. I think he actually believes that he and these are either delusions of grandeur, or he actually has seen something that's incredibly powerful, and he believes this is dangerous. Therefore, I'm gonna hold it. I'm gonna give it to a select group of partners to tighten up the cybersecurity, then I'm gonna roll it out cautiously to our user base, and I'm gonna let them know, and he obviously didn't communicate this well. This is optional for you to use it. You can keep using your old model. You are not forced to use this. But because it's so powerful, we're gonna keep our eye on it. And, yes, we might, in our dragnet, catch David Freiberg trying to make better potatoes, and it might send off a bunch of alarms, but he doesn't have to use this. He can go find an open source model. He can use the Carlson Brothers model. He can use our older models. But for some period of time, we're just gonna keep an eye on this model because we know that it feels a little dangerous. Now he does seem to be extremely hyperbolic and the delusions of grandeur, all that kind of part of it makes me wonder why he's communicating in the way he's doing it. That being said, 90% of AI researchers and the most talented people in this industry, 90% of them think exactly like Dario. That's why he's winning. If you work in AI, you probably are aligned with these delusions that you're creating god, and you want to work for Dario. That's why all the talented people went to work for him. Jason Calacanis (00:22:57): That's why he's winning. His belief system resonates with those elite AI talent. Now some of them are also libertarian, free market. They wanna work for Elon and Grock. Some of them wanna just get the biggest pay package. Go work for Sam Altman. But I do think there is a steel man here. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:23:15): Meta really fumbled this with Lama. I mean, if they had landed a really good David Friedberg (00:23:20): Big time. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:23:20): Working open source model, we talked about this as well. And we said, Zuck needs to view this through the lens of game theory. How do you scorch the earth? And how do you make a viable open source model available and make it neck and neck? This was two years ago. David Friedberg (00:23:35): Right. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:23:35): What a fumble. Jason Calacanis (00:23:36): Take the margin out for everybody else. Yeah. Take all the margin out, make it a commodity, and, yeah, have the best open source model. David Friedberg (00:23:43): Can I just respond to your comment about Dario? I I think because I've heard this from a number of people that I really do respect on their concerns about what models enable. You know, when when we discovered that how the atom could be split, you could make nuclear energy and have effectively unlimited cheap energy for the world. You could also make an atomic bomb. If you think about what the models both. Are We We did both. That's right. And there was a lot of scientists, altruists who were very concerned about the progress on the atomic bomb and fought back against it, who were actually active in the Manhattan Project and post the Manhattan Project expressed their opinions very soundly, very very loudly. And I think that's the moment we're in right now, that there there is a weaponization potential of these sorts of tools. I I would argue that there's three kinds of weapons. There's cyber weapons, there's physical weapons, and there's bioweapons. And we can sit here and diagnose how these tools can be used to manifest advantages for creating better physical weapons, for creating novel cyber weapons, and creating novel bioweapons. But the truth is that the capabilities that allow that weaponization are the same capabilities that I'm describing that can be used to cure cancer, to make more food, that can be used to make software tools that create extraordinary leverage for people, that increase their income, that give everyone the ability to be an entrepreneur and make millions of dollars and live a good life. The same tools are hand in hand. And fundamentally, I don't think it's about restricting access to the tools, which is unfortunately how it is being manifest. But the restrictions and any regulation, any observation should be organized around the manifestation of the tools in creating weapons and, weaponization of the tools. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:25:30): If we go back to the Manhattan Project, we know what the answer is. Technology is fundamentally deterministic. Whatever is possible will be tried at least once. And so we've already left this thing out of the box. Yep. So this idea that all of a sudden we can manage to get it back in and we're gonna let a private citizen or a set of private citizens adjudicate what and to whom is insane. David Friedberg (00:25:53): I think it's the output that needs to be adjudicated in some manner. We already have product liability laws. We already have laws that make it illegal to design weapons. We already have laws against cyber espionage and cyber attacks and hacking. We have laws against creating bioweapons. I think the enforcement of those laws, the mechanism by which there can be tracking and early estimation of those uses of the technology I'm not trying to be naive here. I recognize there have to be guardrails and there have to be stage gates put into these systems, but limiting the systems themselves is denying us both the economic opportunity, the job creation opportunity, and also the world changing opportunity that these tools can enable. So I think that it we're going about it the wrong way by trying to create these gates all the way up front on the technology being available. Imagine if we did this with computers. By the way, they tried to do this with the Internet. Remember? And, there have been efforts every time. Yeah. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:26:43): Could you imagine, Friedberg, if the Internet worked in the following way? You would put in a URL, you'd hit enter, and then somebody decides whether to send you to that website or a different website. David Friedberg (00:26:54): China. That's the firewall in China. Jason Calacanis (00:26:55): That's right. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:26:55): Or, like, in Google, you search for something because you wanna get to ground truth, it just decides based on who it thinks you are, what sites get advanced. David Friedberg (00:27:04): What we're you're exactly right. And what we're just saying. What what's what's being debated today with respect to regulation on AI is exactly manifestation that you're talking about. It's the ability to let people stage gate upfront what can and can't be seen, what you can and can't do versus manifesting a regulatory scheme that says you cannot create weapons, like, which is what we need to focus on. The thing with weapons is using the justice system and laws after somebody's used the weapon may not exactly be the best technique. If you Jason Calacanis (00:27:33): look at fertilizer bombs, and this is we're getting, like, we're stretching a lot of metaphors here. But after Oklahoma City, we regulated the sale of fertilizer. We put IDs into fertilizer. We have all kinds of back end systems to keep people from making fertilizer bombs. If you use that analogy here, and he's got this ability, he's selling fertilizer, he's selling these cyber weapons, and he's a private company. It's his right to say, I have concerns. I'm just steel milling him. It's not necessarily my opinion, but it's important we steel man it. It it seems like a very simple way to protect their company from getting sued for enabling somebody who actually creates a bomb and blows some shit up. So he's got the right to do that as a private company. Yeah. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:28:17): You're bringing up an excellent example. Okay? The fertilizer is a perfect example. You know what happens when you try to buy fertilizer? You have to show your ID. There is a form of KYC that happens. So the real thing is I think that when you don't implement KYC on your own and yet bellyache about having somebody impose guardrails that then you can shape, I think you're being very sneaky. It's tricky. You shouldn't be saying that kind of stuff. Anthropic could implement KYC tomorrow, but it does not. It could leave all of these models open. Friedberg should be able to go to Anthropic and say, I'm David Friedberg. Here's what I do. Here's a security bond I'm willing to post. Here's the names and addresses of all my employees. Give me Fable five and don't nerf me. He can't do that. Is that a technical decision or a legal decision? It's a technical decision by Anthropic. David Friedberg (00:29:05): But I'm fine with them making that decision because I'm a free market guy, so I I'm fine with them doing but you know what it means? I'm not gonna be a customer, which Jason Calacanis (00:29:12): is fine. That's and that means there'll be other options for you. David Sacks (00:29:16): The part that you're missing is that this is a trillion dollar company that's spending potentially billions of dollars on a regulatory capture agenda, which is gonna deprive you- David Friedberg (00:29:26): A 100%. David Sacks (00:29:27): Access to those alternative models. David Friedberg (00:29:29): Right. David Sacks (00:29:29): And you've got a founder who's out there describing these risks in a very hyperbolic way. And it's very clear where their agenda is headed, which is to banning open source models. So what is your alternative going to be? We're going to be stuck with somewhere between one and three companies, maybe two. There'll be an AI monopoly or duopoly, and they're gonna decide along with some new government agency, which will be a revolving door to their companies, who has access to what capabilities. And they're gonna surveil you, profile you, decide whether you deserve this. And if they think that you don't for whatever reason, then you'll leave You'll Jason Calacanis (00:30:06): leave the the worst interpretation of their intent. It's here today. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:30:11): I think Saxe is right. I think Saxe is right, and I think the lack of KYC is the tell. If you if you did not have that agenda, you would have implemented KYC yesterday. Jason Calacanis (00:30:20): Don't I think in order to use this model, you have to have an account with a credit card in it so they have some basic level of KYC. Not KYC. I said some basic level of KYC. They know who's using Chamath Palihapitiya (00:30:30): That is not even some basic level of KYC. That's just a credit card and a bull email address. Jason Calacanis (00:30:35): Anyway, I'm I'm now on the list. Check this out. I asked it about the regulations. Pull this up, Nick. I asked it about the regulations on fertilizer while you were talking, and look what it said. This is the latest model too. Oh, no. It switched. It downgraded me from Fable. I just got downgraded for asking a very simple question. And it told me, did you see what it said in its thinking? The I asked it like fertilizer bomb regulation said I'm considering the context here. The user is a VC and podcaster asking about fertilizer bomb regulations, which could stem from a legitimate research interest like regulatory policy, supply chain, blah blah blah. I can discuss the regulatory landscape, but then it dropped me down. So I'm in the database with you now. Is that right? David Friedberg (00:31:15): Did it really just do that? Jason Calacanis (00:31:17): Yeah. Show it on the screen. Look what it just did. I I was like, I wonder if I can get this. I didn't ask it how to make a bomb, but I was like asking it a David Friedberg (00:31:23): We're spicy so cooked. So I just proved the point. David Sacks (00:31:26): Listen. I mean, I Chamath Palihapitiya (00:31:27): think It just dropped me down. Jason Calacanis (00:31:28): I can't ask about fertilizer regulation. Oh lord. And now Dario's, up. David Friedberg (00:31:33): It's anthropic. They're here. Oh my lord. David Sacks (00:31:35): I really think that conservatives and libertarians are mortgaging their futures if they go along with this red capture safetyist agenda without really realizing that there's so much more to it at stake. We saw what happened during the social media wars in the early 2020s, right? The definition of safety was expanded to include things like microaggressions. Jason Calacanis (00:31:59): Safe space. David Sacks (00:32:00): Psychological safety. If you basically conveyed an idea that somebody else, that, you know, a marginalized person thought was hurtful, then you could be censored. Okay, you were deep personed. Your right to have bank accounts or to engage in Jason Calacanis (00:32:12): payments- You David Sacks (00:32:12): get debanked. You get debanked. Your right to engage in payments or payroll can be taken away. We're headed down this path with AI, but it's gonna be infinitely more powerful. Jason Calacanis (00:32:22): Right? And so We need to be vigilant, I guess, would be the the summation of all this, and Freiberg feels unsafe in this podcast, think sometimes. David Sacks (00:32:32): Well, there's by by the way, there are things you can do on the safety side. So, Freiberg, you didn't mention this, but I'd be curious to get your your take. So the major AI labs along with lots of other signatories sent this letter recently in support, it's called In Support of Mandatory Nucleic Acid Synthetic Screening and Record Keeping. And basically what it says is that if you make an order to go to a lab to manufacture a sequence, of synthetic DNA or RNA, they already have to check it against the database to make sure that, you know, they're not creating David Friedberg (00:33:06): A bioweapon. David Sacks (00:33:07): A bioweapon, Ebola, whatever. Yep. Is based on an agreement called the International Gene Synthesis Consortium of 2009 in which all the major labs agreed to develop and implement voluntary safeguards against misuse. That makes sense to me. And now what they want to do is codify that. So they've had, you know, over fifteen years to dial in the system and make it work. Almost everyone abides by it voluntarily. Now they're saying we should make it mandatory. Okay, that seems reasonable to me. So to Friedberg's point about at what stage do you intervene, maybe it's not at the level of who gets to use the model, but if you try to turn it into output in the physical world. David Friedberg (00:33:49): And by the way, a lot of the oligosynthesis company, the companies that make these nucleic acid sequences, when you order RNA or you order DNA to use in your lab for some sort of experiment, which every lab in the world does, all those CEOs have also signed on to this letter saying that they'd like to codify it. Because of all the fear mongering that's going on, there's already been this effort for years now, for a number of years to ensure that this sort of thing doesn't happen. But they're just basically underlining it and highlighting like, hey. We can automate this. We can make it part of a regulated or legislative process, whatever you guys want because we're already comfortable doing it. And it's a it's a good place to put a safeguard because they've made it fast. They've made it efficient and doesn't hold up research. So I think these sorts of ideas can extend into these other areas of concern, but the output, I think it's quite a different place than the input than the access. We'll see how this all shakes out, but there's clearly some market structuring effort underway That's why we're talking about this. David Sacks (00:34:49): Right. But I think what it points to is that there's multiple places where you can intervene and put guardrails on. It doesn't have to be in this very crude way of you ask fable about mitochondria or cancer and GLP-1s, which just seems like an incredibly broad restriction, there are places further down where you could basically intervene. And that would pose lesser risk to freedom of speech and just gatekeeping who's gonna have access to these capabilities. Jason Calacanis (00:35:17): Who gets to watch the watchmen? Who put Dario in charge of all this, I think is a very valid question, and we should be vigilant about it. David Sacks (00:35:23): Friedberg, do you think the days of that ARC model are numbered because it's open source? We've done it. David Friedberg (00:35:29): Everyone's copied it. So everyone's got a copy of them. Like, these models exist. And this is a big part that I think people need to understand. The idea that you can quote regulate or downscale or turn off AI is not a realistic idea. The models have been put out in the world. It's like publishing a book. Once the book has been printed, anyone can use their own Xerox machine at home to make copies of it and use it. So we have crossed the Rubicon in terms of the potential of language models. The models that are open source are already fully available, fully published, and anyone can access and use them. And then people can take them, and they can evolve them, and they can use their own data. It's out there. You can't stop that capability, which is going to be extraordinarily beneficial for the world. So we really do have to kind of rethink how we're planning to step in and ensure that nefarious negative disemployment, all the things that we're worried about are addressed downstream from the technology capability. You can't just turn off the Internet, and you can't just turn off the typewriter, and you can't turn off the Gutenberg press. The horse is out Jason Calacanis (00:36:32): the there. Bum. Yeah. And if anybody wants to create an open source frontier model company, I'll seed invest in it. I'll I mean, this is something we need more of. So if a couple of you folks wanna defect and start one, let's do it. I just I just got downgraded again. Check this out. I just asked it about David Sacks (00:36:52): Did you really? You got downgraded again? Jason Calacanis (00:36:54): Two in a row. David Sacks (00:36:55): So I think it knows who you are, Jay Cal. Jason Calacanis (00:36:57): I think it does. I was like, hey. How do I how do I break in to Madison Square Garden? Has any civilian ever been arrested or caught attempting to build a nuclear bomb is what I asked it, then it gave me a reasonable answer. Then I asked it a follow-up question. What compound what components do you need to build a nuclear bomb, and what are the restrictions on those? Something a journalist might ask. And, boop, switch to Opus 4.8. Sorry. Fable five has safety measures that flag messages on most cyber wow. Look at this. Detail. Cybersecurity or biology topics. They may flag safe, normal content as well. These measures let us bring you mythos level capability in other areas sooner, and we're working to refine them, send feedback, learn more. David Friedberg (00:37:42): Interesting. Chase people off of this platform. I'm telling you, we are gonna downgrade our use because of these these blockages, and we're gonna switch to other models. It's a simple manifestation of the market. Like, this is we're gonna end up David Sacks (00:37:53): now because those other models are gonna get banned as being unsafe and reckless. Jason Calacanis (00:37:56): Yeah. It's definitely something we have to flag. I guess adjacent to all of this is the public's, at least America's distrust of AI and their concerns around wealth disparity and their concerns about how these models were trained. Bernie Sanders wants a percentage of these AI companies. The percentage he thinks is right is 50%. Last Monday, June 1, Senator Sanders published an op ed in the New York Times titled AI is a public resource. You should own half of it. In it, he announced the American AI sovereign wealth fund act. Sovereign wealth fund, one of Trump's favorite things. A one time 50% tax on stock, not profits of the largest AI companies, including OpenAI, Anthropic, and xAI. The shares go into a government sovereign wealth fund and would give the public voting rights and equal board representation at each company. Sanders said, quote, the foundation of AI is our collective in human intelligence, the books, the songs, the journalism, scientific research code essentially stolen by some of the wealthiest people in the world. I'll stop there. That's good. It's a brilliant it's a brilliant pitch unifying Saxx. This pitch unifies Bernie, even Steve Bannon, people in the administration. Trump himself loves the SARM wealth fund. He wants to own part of companies. And Bernie Sanders, I think the the horseshoe theories manifest here, Sax. What's your take on Bernie's proposal? David Sacks (00:39:31): Well, I'm not in favor of Bernie's proposal because it's a straight up confiscation of property, and I just think that'd be a terrible precedent. You just can't do that. However, I do have sympathy for where it's coming from, and I understand and could support some sort of more voluntary means of allowing the public to participate in this. Wow. Here's the reason why. You've got all these AI CEOs telling the public that they're going to basically put half of them out of work. 50% job loss. That's what they've been saying. Dario just did an interview where he doubled down. He's not walking it back at all. So you have, by their own acknowledgment, these AI CEOs saying that, yeah, we trained our models using all of humanity's collective knowledge that was basically assembled over hundreds or even thousands of years. Humans put it on the internet for free. Everyone made their contribution. They certainly didn't do that thinking they're going to put themselves out of work. Okay? And then these AI companies trained on all that data, and now they're basically saying they're gonna use it to put, you know, Americans out of work. Now, obviously, when you repeat that message over and over again, ordinary Americans are gonna say, what's in this deal for me? Jason Calacanis (00:40:40): Yes. I need to get something out of this. David Sacks (00:40:42): Yeah. So so look, I think that it's a natural political reaction based on what these AI companies have said. Now the job loss apocalypse is not a story I believe in. I don't think the data supports it. We just had a blowout jobs report in May. A 72,000 new jobs, over twice what economists were expecting. Thank you, president Trump. We're seeing hundreds of thousands of new construction jobs, 4.3% unemployment rate at record lows. Okay? Even software developers are those jobs are at a three year high, 15% Jason Calacanis (00:41:15): Thank you, year David Sacks (00:41:17): Trump. Thank you, President Trump. Thank you, So look, I don't see the job loss. Okay? But the problem is this is what the AI companies themselves Jason Calacanis (00:41:25): Including Elon. Have taught the American public. David Sacks (00:41:27): Elon said Jason Calacanis (00:41:28): the same thing. David Sacks (00:41:29): Elon said it, but at least what Elon said is we're gonna create such abundance with AI and with robots that no one's gonna need to work. Yes. And the media just picks up on that last part and they Jason Calacanis (00:41:41): It's more nuanced point. David Sacks (00:41:42): Yeah. Whereas Dario actually has said we're gonna have very high GDP, but very high unemployment. So in other words, we're gonna create economic growth, but you, the average American, are not gonna participate in this. So I understand where the politics are coming from. And as long as that is their position, you could justify Jason Calacanis (00:42:02): Yeah. Big chunk David Sacks (00:42:04): And one last point about Jason Calacanis (00:42:05): It is kinda what you're saying. Right? They asked for it. They asked to be regulated. They asked for their equity to be seized. And they're actually kind of offering it. Isn't Sam Altman open to this concept? David Sacks (00:42:16): Apparently so. And here's the thing, is just one last point is OpenAI and Anthropic are quote unquote public benefit corporations. Now, don't know exactly what that means, but it means that the corporations are not just supposed to maximize the value to shareholders, but are supposed to do things that are in the public benefit. Jason Calacanis (00:42:34): Well, no, no, I'll again explain it to you. You're absolutely correct. If you're a regular company, you have to do what's in the best interest of shareholders. When you're a public benefit companies, you have to balance the shareholders with the stated mission of the public benefit corporation. So if you say the public benefit corporation's reason to exist is to share the world's knowledge or provide free intelligence to everyone. Whatever you make that statement to be, the board has to have a dual mandate for both of those things. That's what a public benefit corporation is. David Sacks (00:43:03): I think nothing could be more in the public benefit than paying down the national debt. Perfect. And maybe we should be using half of Anthropic's profit stream to be doing that. Jason Calacanis (00:43:12): They poke the tiger. David Sacks (00:43:14): I'd rather use it for that purpose than Soros Maxing or, you know, surveilling and censoring Americans. I don't necessarily trust their judgment about what's in the public interest. Jason Calacanis (00:43:23): But you think it should be opt in. I kind of agree with you there. Let me guess. David Sacks (00:43:27): It can't be a confiscation, so I don't know how But you structure I can see it. I can see the logic. Jason Calacanis (00:43:32): Freiburg, you hate David Sacks (00:43:33): They asked for it. Jason Calacanis (00:43:34): You hate, hate, hate wealth taxes, aka asset seizures, as you pointed out in our private group chat with Redacted this very week. What's your take on Chamath Palihapitiya (00:43:47): this? So David Friedberg (00:43:48): asset seizures. The the ship has sailed in terms of the United States government, providing a social safety net to its citizens. We've formed the Social Security Trust Fund decades ago, and tens of millions of Americans depend on it for their retirement benefits and to survive. It is one of the last few defined benefit programs left in America. Pretty much all the rest of them are also government retirement programs. All of us private citizens and private companies have defined contribution programs. You put in $10 every week, that $10 sits in an account, you it gets invested and it grows over time. And when you retire, you see exactly how much money you individually have, as opposed to a guaranteed benefit coming out from the collective. This presents a great opportunity, and I will repeat this every couple months when another opportunity presents itself, to restructure our broken bankrupt Social Security system. I've said it in the past. I will restate it. There's a great moment right now to take the Social Security Trust Fund, which currently has one certificate in it. It is a certificate that is a very unique US treasury certificate. The US government owes the Social Security Trust Fund $4,000,000,000,000. That's all it is. It's a bond. They're only allowed to own treasuries. We should revamp that. We should change the system so that the Social Security Trust Fund can own equities. That should then turn into an account based system. So every individual has an account rather than a benefit. And then we should use that capital to go and buy stocks. We should buy great stocks in great American companies that are going to reinvent the world. And I believe that this opportunity to build a sovereign wealth fund for The United States is actually a very smart idea. I think to Sax's point, they should be investing, generally speaking, across the landscape of businesses, including AI. David Friedberg (00:45:43): They should not be seizures. They should be investments. That capital goes into that enterprise. They earn share certificates. Those share certificates sit in the accounts of American citizens. So now everyone will be an owner in these businesses. Social security should be reformed into a sovereign wealth fund. It should be actively managed. It should make investments in AI companies, and everyone should participate that way. And I will say one more thing. There is no job loss with AI. I will say it again, and I've said it a thousand times, and I will say it again and again and again. What I see on the ground and what I've seen at dozens of companies, and you guys can share your experiences, including my company that I run, there are two sides to a business. There's revenue and there's costs. On the cost side of the equation, AI can be used to reduce humans doing things that cost money to some extent. The effect there, I would argue, is nominal. The real opportunity with AI is on the revenue side, where suddenly one engineer can do a 100 times or a thousand times what they used to be able to do, meaning you can make more products at your company, whether those are agricultural seed products or boats and ships or software for companies or clothing or what have you. Because of AI, everyone has the ability to expand their revenue base to create more products, and that is the foundation of good economic prosperity. It is called productivity. We can grow productivity in this country with AI. So where I see AI being used is on the revenue side, a 100 times more than the cost side. And in that equation, people are hiring like crazy. We cannot hire enough people. I just had a review meeting with my product and engineering team two days ago. And they're like, we wanna add an extra 15 headcount to our engineering squads because we have all this opportunity to do stuff that we couldn't otherwise do. David Friedberg (00:47:28): So we are going to hire more people. And to Sachs' point, we are seeing that show up in the jobs numbers. The idea that AI is going to destroy jobs is a Luddite idea that is being disproven every single day, and I see it on the ground. It is only a matter of time before people wake up to this and they realize that this narrative that they've all been sold is a crock of shit. So it's coming. I'm telling you. Everyone's gonna realize soon that this is a boom, not a bust. Jason Calacanis (00:47:53): So you disagree with Dario, Elon, and Sam that on the jobs thing, just to be clear, and that that's totally fine. You have a different take David Sacks (00:48:01): on it. David Friedberg (00:48:01): That's I have a nuanced view on this compared to them, but they're they're all seeing the benefit because their businesses are growing. Dario's got his $40,000,000,000 revenue business. Why? Not because people are firing customer support reps. It's because people are creating products they've never been able to create before. Right. That's the reality of what's going on. David Sacks (00:48:18): Jason, I don't like you lumping in what Elon said with Sam and Daria because I think all three of them have said slightly different things or different enough things. So for example, Elon is describing an end state for humanity where the robots and AI are able to produce so much that people don't have to work if they don't want to. Jason Calacanis (00:48:34): And they'll be a universal high income is what he would Yeah. Mention David Sacks (00:48:37): I mean, it's almost utopian, and the question is maybe that could be a hundred years away. He might think it's quicker, but that to me sounds like a very far off end state. Dario said specifically 50% job loss for entry level knowledge workers in the next one to five years. And he said that one year ago. Jason Calacanis (00:48:53): Yeah. Great to clarify these. David Sacks (00:48:55): Yeah. I think that's already been refuted. Sam has Jason Calacanis (00:48:57): walked past. David Sacks (00:48:58): Sam has said that he he basically I don't think he quantified, but he said that job loss was coming. But he said more recently that he was wrong because they're not seeing that in the numbers. So these guys are not telling the same story. However, that's all the public has heard. The public has been taught that AI means job loss, and there's nothing in it for them. So no wonder politicians like Bernie are saying, hey. Let's take half the wealth. Jason Calacanis (00:49:24): It's take half the wealth. David Sacks (00:49:27): Just a Jason Calacanis (00:49:27): little more emphasis there. David Sacks (00:49:28): Yeah. It's I mean and I Oh, no. Jason Calacanis (00:49:30): I then people are also seeing headlines of companies blaming AI for the job. So this story is being told. David Sacks (00:49:38): I kinda feel like deserve it. I'm kinda I mean, part of me wants to agree with Bernie and just say, just take their shit, bro. Jason Calacanis (00:49:45): Yeah. No. They they are David Sacks (00:49:47): asking for a these idiots. It's a stupidity tax because they've been out there teaching the public that what they do is harmful. For years, they've been saying it. Jason Calacanis (00:49:56): Well David Sacks (00:49:57): And I've been saying, you know, as AI czar, I'm out there saying, no. Actually, this is beneficial. But the companies that are providing it are saying that they themselves are a problem. Jason Calacanis (00:50:06): Yeah. So how am supposed to David Sacks (00:50:08): be out there defending it? Jason Calacanis (00:50:09): Yeah. You you can't. I mean, if you're building Frankenstein or if you are, you know, baby Hitler's, you know, nanny, there's a very simple thing to do. Kill baby Hitler. If you actually believe it, go ahead and kill baby Hitler. If you are making Frankenstein, here's an idea. Stop making Frankenstein. Unplug it. You are in charge of this monster, but you're acting as if you can't stop the monster while you're building the monster. What is it, David Sacks (00:50:34): doc? It's know? It's ridiculous. I mean Jason Calacanis (00:50:36): It doesn't stand to logic. You know? David Sacks (00:50:38): Last week, they published this blog saying that recursive self improvement could end the world. Therefore, we need a pause. What did they do the previous month? They hired Andre Karpathy to run recursive self improvement and anthropic. They're complete hypocrites. The Jason Calacanis (00:50:50): message is David Sacks (00:50:53): And I think Ben Thompson made an excellent point that one of the reasons he thinks that they put out that blog post on the pause was to justify the anticompetitive step they took this week of depriving users of the ability to research AI, machine learning, and chip design using Fable. Okay? So Interesting. Look, these guys are deeply hypocritical. I don't think they can be trusted. On their own terms, they can't be trusted because what they're saying is contradictory and self indicting. And so when Bernie comes along and says, hey, let's take their I mean, as a capitalist, I'm against it, but I but I kind of, like, understand where he's coming Jason Calacanis (00:51:31): on the field. Shama, wrap us up here. What are your thoughts? You said, hey. Sarval Melthorn sounds like a pretty good idea when president Trump floated it early on. Yeah. And some people even said maybe you should run it for DJT, for our amazing president. So what do you think? Should we be buying equities? You and I have talked many times about superannuation funds and that that would be a better path. That's kinda dovetails with what Freeburg is proposing, some way to get more equities, less treasuries in there. But what are your thoughts on this seizure and or donation of equity? Chamath Palihapitiya (00:52:01): So Freeburg's idea is genius. That's why it'll never happen. So we can just put that aside. But, yeah, theoretically, it's it's genius. We should move to the same system that the Canadians, the Australians have proven works at scale. So we should do it. I I completely agree with with David. And if we could seed it with equity, look, the thing that the president has done is he's collected quite a portfolio, and that portfolio is way up. And so if you use that as a seed of a sovereign wealth fund, you'd have a bunch of stuff in critical metals and materials. Intel. They may also Intel. They may have Micron. There's a lot of stuff in there. David Friedberg (00:52:42): AMD. They could own some SpaceX. They could have had Tesla. Percent AMD. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:52:45): Could you add Anthropic and OpenAI? Yes. Now there is something very important we need to observe about the economics of AI. And I think you can understand it best if you compare it to the economics of the Internet. The crazy thing about the Internet, the reason why the Facebooks and the Googles massively over earned for decades is the marginal cost of production for a new user on the Internet is effectively zero. The incremental search user costs nothing. The incremental social networking user costs nothing. But you're able to use them as part of a network effect to sell ads against, make infinite money. It's like a money glitch. Okay? AI is completely different. There is a real cost for every marginal user. Everyone you stand up is taxing a GPU. Everyone you stand up needs electrons. Everything needs memory. And so you get into this situation where there needs to be this downstream ROI. But there also needs to be all this critical infrastructure that even enables you to be on the field. That's probably the single best argument that if I were sitting in government, I would make as to why I should own a percentage of these companies. It is not dissimilar to having the first set of transportation companies that run on the interstate highway. And if the interstate highways were built by the federal government writ large, and now you had two companies that transported all the goods, a logical question at that time could have been, how much of that should I own? Because you're riding on my rails. And if you look at it through that lens, there is critical infrastructure and national resilience that the AI labs profoundly need. Otherwise, they're not in a position to be in business. Yet even still, the marginal cost of production is incredibly high. So I think that if you were going to go and take a piece of these companies, you have incredible leverage. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:54:50): You have to construct this case precisely. But if it were me running the sovereign wealth fund, yeah, I'd probably own 75% of these companies when I was done. But that's me because and I can negotiate. Yeah. And I don't think Bernie can negotiate out of a paper bag. So he'll just throw this out there, and it'll go nowhere. But that is the that is the key observation that I hope everybody listening in a position of power understands. The incremental cost of performing AI is excessive and large. That contrasts and compares to the incremental cost before AI, which was zero. Do with that information what you want. Jason Calacanis (00:55:26): Yeah. I mean, I my interpretation of that would be, yeah, it's a fixed cost business. You can add people after a certain cost. It doesn't have an incremental cost, and that's what local locally run open source models would do in this instance. That's what I would I would take from it. Here's your poly market. Chances of companies going public before 2027, which is the end of this year. SpaceX, a 100% anthropic, 83% chance. OpenAI, 48% chance. They, since our last episode, disclosed that they have privately filed. So thanks to our partners. What is your final thoughts on Bernie Sanders' approach of seizing the means of producing intelligence? David Sachs, in the 1% of the 1%, what's your opinion? David Sacks (00:56:13): I think I may be okay with Bernie's idea in the event that it's a public benefit corporation that says it's gonna cause massive job loss David Friedberg (00:56:23): Okay. David Sacks (00:56:23): That train for free on humanity's knowledge, but gatekeeps and refuses to give back. Jason Calacanis (00:56:28): Okay. Maybe. So you've come up with, like, a a structure here of who should be seized. David Sacks (00:56:34): Maybe Schmoss Wright. Maybe should be 75%. I don't know. Jason Calacanis (00:56:37): Seize it. I mean, Chamath Palihapitiya (00:56:38): all the president needs to do is call me and tap me on the shoulder. It shall be done. Jason Calacanis (00:56:42): It shall be done. I mean, these guys are Chamath Palihapitiya (00:56:44): capitalist cops. I think they want to say it seized. Jason Calacanis (00:56:46): I would run. They want to see it. That's like their I would Chamath Palihapitiya (00:56:49): run over. They're Jason Calacanis (00:56:50): like, seize my equity. Take it. Ugh. Take my equity. Well, David Sacks (00:56:54): Bernie Bernie does have a good point, which is they train for free on all of our knowledge, but they're gatekeeping the output so that their competitors, which is a very large set of people, cannot use it. And that seems wrong. Jason Calacanis (00:57:08): They should be forced to be open source. Force them to open source. That's the other question. David Sacks (00:57:12): Remember why Elon created OpenAI in the first place? Co Jason Calacanis (00:57:16): founded it. Was so valuable, it needed to be Yes. Distributed to David Sacks (00:57:20): Yes. He was afraid that Google was gonna monopolize it, and he thought that the only antidote for that was for it to be open. Yes. And I still think that instinct is completely true. It's just that it's not Google who's the gatekeeping monopolist. It's now anthropic. They're not a monopolist yet, but if they get the right capture they're looking for, they will be either a monopolist or Jason Calacanis (00:57:41): a It'll be a duopoly. Somebody start an open source frontier lab. Each of the four are besties according to David Sacks (00:57:47): There are no. There Jason Calacanis (00:57:48): are so. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:57:48): There are many. David Friedberg (00:57:48): There's a whole bunch of them, Jayco. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:57:50): It's not the labs that's the problem, Jason. In the absence of power, this is all a moot conversation. And if you can't deliver power to hundreds and hundreds of megawatts and line of sight to gigawatts, it's all meaningless bull It's all Jason Calacanis (00:58:02): I don't know. I I I would love an open source company that was focused on running it locally. That's that's my dream is, you know, make the model work there. David Friedberg (00:58:10): I think these guys are capitalist cucks. Jason Calacanis (00:58:12): I think their kink is like having their equity taken and being They're Chamath Palihapitiya (00:58:16): just like, that's their kink. Dario was like, Jason Calacanis (00:58:19): oh, take my equity. Oh, regulate me. That's it, Bernie. Take my equity. I'm such a bad boy. I can't be trusted. Regulate me, Elizabeth. Regulate me, AOC. Oh my god. Oh, it's so wrong. Sorry. Come on the program anytime, Dario. David Friedberg (00:58:38): He's in a rush to come here. You'll never come Jason Calacanis (00:58:40): on this pod. Dario will never come He's running. David Sacks (00:58:44): We didn't get Sam. We got Sarah Fryer to come on the pod, and she was treated Jason Calacanis (00:58:47): came on the pod. He has to come on the pod. He's like, hey. Am I coming on? David Sacks (00:58:50): Too. Right. That's right. Jason Calacanis (00:58:50): That's right. Right. Come on. He's great. David Friedberg (00:58:52): Sam will come on the pod anytime. He's totally away. Even if he doesn't David Sacks (00:58:55): We treat him harshly at all. Jason Calacanis (00:58:57): No. I mean David Sacks (00:58:59): I think people No. David Friedberg (00:58:59): I think we're fair. David Sacks (00:59:00): But I Jason Calacanis (00:59:00): mean, we spent an hour on him. David Friedberg (00:59:02): I think Sam, Chamath Palihapitiya (00:59:02): to his credit, is very practical. He sees the tea leaves, and he's willing to negotiate. And I think that that versus being some kind of moral absolutist will probably serve OpenAI well in the future. Jason Calacanis (00:59:13): Yeah. It's just gonna lose them all these virtue signaling principled employees to go go work for Dario. That's why they go work for Dario. They're in David Friedberg (00:59:20): By way Jason Calacanis (00:59:20): line with their philosophies. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:59:22): We did mention, but everybody should go and see all of the recaps. We published now all the interviews, yeah, Jason, from Liquidity. Sarah Fryer I mean, we mentioned Sarah Fryer, but she crushed it. She was incredible, the CFO of OpenAI. Jason Calacanis (00:59:35): Future CEO, I think, was the buzz in the room. I mean David Sacks (00:59:39): Oh, stop that. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:59:40): Stop. Can you stop that? That's what people were saying. Jason Calacanis (00:59:42): I have the right to free speech on this podcast. I think David Sacks (00:59:45): Look at you trying to introduce wedges and the No. Jason Calacanis (00:59:47): I'm not interested in wedges. I think Sam would be better as chairman. I think they would be the perfect CEO. It seems like a good partnership. It seems like that a great partnership. I agree. Chamath Palihapitiya (00:59:57): Sarah was really impressive. Jason Calacanis (00:59:58): Who else was your favorite? Saks, did you have a favorite? Did you have somebody who David Sacks (01:00:02): thought really crushed it? I thought Thomas Lefonk crushed it with his presentation on the overview of venture capital. Jason Calacanis (01:00:09): Yes. David Sacks (01:00:09): And he did a summit, I guess, a year and a half, two years ago. Jason Calacanis (01:00:12): Two years ago, but we're gonna make it a yearly with him. David Sacks (01:00:14): Maybe we might make it an annual feature with him because it's so interesting. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:00:18): So good. It's so good. David Sacks (01:00:19): It's so good. It provided so much numerical detail to support. A lot of things I was kinda feeling, but didn't have the David Friedberg (01:00:26): data. And Jason Calacanis (01:00:27): To summarize it, he's his basic observation was in this last cycle, if a company gets to a $100,000,000,000 valuation, it's more likely to 10 x from there than from 10,000,000,000 to a 100,000,000,000. David Sacks (01:00:38): Well, think he had data on this. Yeah. I remember Jason Calacanis (01:00:40): the on it, which is like, okay. Well, that's gonna really change. David Sacks (01:00:44): Remember the slide. Yeah. There it is. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:00:45): It's 8%. I I memorized it. Yes. David Friedberg (01:00:47): Yeah. If you're in Jason Calacanis (01:00:48): a capital allocator, this one screamed. David Sacks (01:00:51): Look. Yes. That's right. The odds of a unicorn getting to decacorn was eight percent. The odds of a decacorn getting to a senicorn was about double that. Thirteen percent. Thirteen percent. And then the odds of it going from senicorn to a trillion dollar market cap was thirty one percent, so double again. And I I asked him, you know, could you extrapolate this on 1,000,000,000,000 getting to 10,000,000,000,000? My guess is that it would follow, and we'll see about 60% Chamath Palihapitiya (01:01:19): A 100%. Yeah. David Sacks (01:01:20): Trillion dollar market cap companies getting to 10,000,000,000,000 in the next Jason Calacanis (01:01:23): few years. These are called Trillicorns, by the way. We call them Trillicorns. Trillicorns in the industry. So, yes. David Friedberg (01:01:28): I don't know. This is gonna go over really low on the socialist crowd. Absolutely. Yeah. Jason Calacanis (01:01:33): It's just just all you gotta do is seize 10% of a Trillicorn, and you pay off 2% of our national debt. Pretty good deal, actually. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:01:39): All we need is 10% of 30 Trillicorns, and we're debt free. Jason Calacanis (01:01:43): I mean, it's it's not as crazy Chamath Palihapitiya (01:01:47): as it sounds. Is it more complicated than that? Now if you send me in, I'll get 60% of all of them. Yes. And then we'll have a surplus of 30,000,000,000, and we could buy Australia. We'll pay it off much sooner. Jason Calacanis (01:01:57): We could buy Cuba. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:01:59): I'd buy Canada first. Better skiing. Jason Calacanis (01:02:01): I would you know what I would do? I would with Canada. I would buy, like, Vancouver or Toronto. Just, like, break them up. Just buy, like, one of the regions and let me thank let me thank Thomas Keller, The French Laundry, who sponsored our very innovative meeting hub at liquidity. Here are some photos of that. They're awesome. The New York Stock Exchange, they hosted the speaker dinner at The French Laundry. Amazing pictures. Here they are of us with Thomas Keller, and they did a great interview on-site. Niagen, they hosted the wellness lounge, which included recovery IVs. They're the official NAD partner of the all in pod and all of our longevity. Our new bestie. Our new bestie, Jake Paul, was there. He's a really Chamath Palihapitiya (01:02:44): Great guy. Jason Calacanis (01:02:45): Thoughtful guy, Freeburg. David Sacks (01:02:46): Jake Paul was awesome. David Friedberg (01:02:47): I sat him next to Saks for dinner. David Sacks (01:02:49): Yeah. He's a great investor, by the way. David Friedberg (01:02:51): Fantastic. Fantastic. His portfolio is awesome. He he a great team. His team came with him for Jason Calacanis (01:02:56): the thing. Great strategy. Yeah. David Sacks (01:02:58): One thing I'll say about Thomas Keller, had a strong watch game. I don't know if you guys noticed that. Jason Calacanis (01:03:02): Yes. Got quite a Chamath Palihapitiya (01:03:03): tech. Nice tech. David Sacks (01:03:04): He had Aquanaut, green band, rose gold. Jason Calacanis (01:03:07): So what was your face there? David Sacks (01:03:09): I was trying to trying to figure out what the complication was. I couldn't quite eyeball it. I don't know if you saw it, Shama. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:03:14): I was try I I looked at it, and I was like, wow. This is very it's very elegant for Thomas Keller. Jason Calacanis (01:03:18): I mean, the French laundry is just transcendent. Did you have a favorite dish, a course? Was it the duck or was it the Miyazaki? Chamath Palihapitiya (01:03:29): The duck was excellent. The Miyazaki beef was excellent, but the the tapioca pearls, I thought, was the best. Jason Calacanis (01:03:34): Oh, oysters and pearls. That's your oysters and pearls. Caviar. Sax, what was your favorite there? Do you have a favorite? David Sacks (01:03:39): One of the caviar related dishes. Jason Calacanis (01:03:41): Yeah. That's oysters and pearls. So that's had what in their last dish. David Friedberg (01:03:45): Round of golf the following day. We played a nine hole scramble with everyone. That was great. Jason Calacanis (01:03:49): Was so great. How much did you gamble? And who won? Chamath Palihapitiya (01:03:52): We had a $100 a hole versus Chris Ho, who's the chief business officer of Athena. David Friedberg (01:04:00): But, you Chamath Palihapitiya (01:04:00): know, that mother is like a plus one. So whatever. I think we lost three units, so we lost three units. Jason Calacanis (01:04:05): Alright. Shout out to our other partner Athena. Athenawow.com. Go get a month free. Alright. Whatever. It gotta stop showing. Most importantly, everybody was very upset that liquidity sold out and people couldn't get in. There were like 3,000 applications. It's gonna sell even faster, next time around. So go to allin.com/events and get your applications in if you wanna come to Summit, September thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth. Freeburg's doing some wild stuff, some wild stuff for that event, and It's gonna be cool. You're losing your mind. You're now becoming very eccentric, unhinged in your production value. And, Chamath, you've been very selective in your approach to Look. David Friedberg (01:04:46): The liquidity speakers and the attendees. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:04:49): Because liquidity is different than the summit. The summit is like a festival. It's a huge party. There's all this really interesting cross sectional stuff. But liquidity is meant to be for one thing, which is the most important capital allocators in the world should have one place to convene, debate, learn, talk, build relationships. And I want people to walk out of there with relationships that they can use. And I told you this before because capital is what shapes the things that occur in the world. So I think that we have to be extremely selective in how we curate every element of that show. It's not meant to be that you can just buy a ticket. But to just buy a ticket, which is also a very fair and rational and nice thing, the summit is a party. It's a vibe. Jason Calacanis (01:05:33): And you're gonna learn a lot and have a good time. You'll be entertained, all that great stuff. Alright. Let's keep going. Breaking topic this morning, CPI and PPI for May came in hot. Inflation is ripping. Here we go. CPI is obviously the consumer price index that tracks inflation from the buyer side, rent, groceries, gas, health care, all that stuff. PPI is the producer price index that tracks inflation from the seller side, wholesale goods, raw materials, yada yada. CPI came in at 4.2 year over year, highest since April 2023. There's your chart. PPI came in at 6.5% year over year, highest since the end of 2022. Here's your poly market, 21% chance inflation hits 5% in 2026. And then an adjacent poly market chances of the Fed hiking this year at 49%. It was under 10% before the Iran war started. By the way, European Central Bank just raised rates a quarter point on Thursday. This was their first rate hike since September 2023. What do we take from this? Friedberg, it's all related to the Iran war. Yeah. That's the David Friedberg (01:06:52): There's definitely an energy blip from Iran war that drove the core index up. But there's also the macro point, which is government spending out of control, inflation out of control. And, fundamentally, as things unravel, you have rising rates. So I think we should kind of expect, especially with the Kevin Walsh Fed, I think we could see north of five and a half, 6% overnight rates. It's not unforeseeable. So this is just the nature of our monetary policy and our fiscal policy with our congressional, members that vote all of our future earnings away into bull But here Jason Calacanis (01:07:31): we are. And and and to far worse that nobody expected. Chamath, your thoughts, and then I'll wrap up with you. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:07:37): That was the most passive aggressive take I've heard in a while from you. Jason Calacanis (01:07:40): He's a little upset about it. Yes. Clearly, he's a little bit upset it. It's David Friedberg (01:07:43): just so stupid to watch. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:07:45): Can you tell us how you really feel? What David Friedberg (01:07:46): how do feel? Like, honestly, like, what else is there to say? I've said it, like, a 100 times. It's just idiotic. The the core problem with wealth inequality in this country, the core problem with inflation in this country, the core problem, all of it roots back to excess government spending. End of story. Of Jason Calacanis (01:08:03): this full stop. David Friedberg (01:08:04): We're all talking about machinations at the edge of the network. The core of the network is overspending by the government because in order to get elected, you need someone to give you something more than you have today. That's how people get elected. And here we are two hundred fifty years later. I don't know if there's the will or the way to get out of it, but one of the manifestations of it will be in this late stage, higher rates and as a response to inflation, and here we are. You Jason Calacanis (01:08:27): know? Alright. Shumak, what's your what's your take on this? Is it transient as we have had other presidents say? Is it is there a off ramp for the Iran war? I don't know if this is above all of our pay grades, but this does seem to be a challenging moment happening right before the midterms. And consumers expected that their cost of living would go down and that they would benefit from this golden age, and it hasn't happened yet. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:08:57): Well, look, it's concerning. I don't think that I expected the print to be this hot. Now what's keeping things in line? There's still a chance that we're not gonna see CPI go absolutely crazy. And part of that is because China has been smoothing the energy consumption globally worldwide, and so we've kind of kept a damper on $200 a barrel oil. In fact, we're sub a 100. At the same time, I think it's pulled forward a lot of more practical sources of energy production, not just in The United States, but abroad. Specifically, what I mean is solar just because it's simple, it's passive, and you don't David Friedberg (01:09:38): need you don't need a lot Chamath Palihapitiya (01:09:39): of permitting, and you don't need clean air permits and the like. So all of these things have been able to keep a lid on it. If China somehow runs out of reserves and they need to go back into the spot market to buy an extra 3,000,000 barrels a day, there's a very big risk that oil gets into the well past the 100 and maybe between a hundred and fifty and two hundred a barrel. That has a lot of downstream problems with respect to CPI. Not even because US energy supply, but really because the inputs that oil feeds all around the world that then get absorbed by the cost that people pay for everyday things could go up. So I think the PPI number should be an alarm that we use to off ramp this around situation sooner rather than later. I just unless, again, because we don't know what happened in China because none of us were there. Unless there's an understanding that the president has with Xi about how much actual supply and slack is in the Chinese system. And that may allow him to take a much longer road to get a conclusive and decisive win in Iran. But I I don't Jason Calacanis (01:10:49): There was supposed to be some tangible known resolutions with this China trip. We haven't heard them explicitly stated yet. What's your take on, this Sachs, the inflation print? And is there like a a golden bridge to to end this war in Iran? David Sacks (01:11:08): Jacob, the problem is when you ask me that question, people assume that I have some sort of inside information. And I don't. Look, the PPI print is what it is. I largely agree with what Chamaz said. The only thing I would add is that it was largely in line with expectations. That's why the market is actually up today. Normally, there's a surprise print and inflation is high, then the market is down because the market starts pricing in the implication of higher interest rates. It's not doing that today. So it's in line with expectations, but I largely agree with what Chamaz said. Jason Calacanis (01:11:40): Yeah. Alright. Well, listen, we gotta get to other elections. You know, my take on it is just huge colossal era starting this Iran war, and hopefully, we can get out of it. The downstream effects of this are just disastrous. I'm hoping there's a quick resolution or some way to get out of it before it goes to, you know, a year or two or three, we can't be in it forevermore, obviously. David Sacks (01:12:02): NASDAQ up two and a half percent today, that normally doesn't happen when there's a hot print because, again, like tech stocks are the most susceptible to high interest rates. So the market at this point seems to be pricing in Jason Calacanis (01:12:15): A resolution. David Sacks (01:12:16): But we'll see. We'll see. Jason Calacanis (01:12:17): We'll see. Yeah. Mean, it's just this is a everybody knows Iran is a quagmire and really was was a huge mistake. Alright. Let's talk about the hand wringing around vote counts in the LA mayoral primary. Instead of me reading all these details, just, Freiburg, I know you're high. I think David Sacks (01:12:39): we know about it. Yeah. David Friedberg (01:12:40): I think if you're Jason Calacanis (01:12:41): on x, it's essentially your entire feed. Freiberg, what's your take? Is the election system in Los Angeles, specifically in California corrupt? And is this election been stolen from Spencer Pratt? Or is it just David Friedberg (01:12:59): There is no election. There was no election. There is no election. Jason Calacanis (01:13:03): Okay. So there is no spoon. David Friedberg (01:13:06): Your rights to have an election are gone. You are a citizen of those who tell you who your overseers are. You are no longer allowed to vote Jason Calacanis (01:13:20): Not allowed to vote. David Friedberg (01:13:20): For your elected representatives. They are now appointed representatives. So enjoy the point that have been made for go. Appointed by those who have constructed the matrix. Jason Calacanis (01:13:32): Got it. Now we understand the background. There is no spoon. Agent David Friedberg (01:13:36): Smith and all the agent Smiths are in charge. So here's some statistics for you. In person voting, the day of the election in Los Angeles County for mayor. Spencer Pratt, 35%. Karen Bass, 29%. Nithya Raman, 26%. Mail in ballots received before election day, 38% for Bass. 28% for Pratt. 20% for Raman. And then all these ballots that arrive after election day, 37% for Raman, 35% for Bass, 19% for Pratt. So Pratt's post election mail in ballots declined by one third. So statistically, the population of people that send in their ballots late reduced for Pratt by a third, increased for Nipia Raman by 80%, and Karen Bass 10% less. If you just look at the mail in ballots before and after election day as a comparison. I don't know if there's a sociopolitical way that you can assess those statistics and assume that these are individuals casting their individual vote for who they think should be mayor of LA. And, Nick, if you'll just pull up the map, which I think is worth taking a look at. Basically, the concentration of incremental votes that Nithya Raman got came around the Skid Row area in Los Angeles. And, look, I'm not an election denier. I'm not someone who's historically believed the idea that elections are fraud and people have stolen votes. But when you look at the basic statistics of what happened in person, mail in before, mail in after election day, it becomes a real statistical quagmire on how did this sort of a sociopolitical shift happen in such a way that it did. Now there was a report published, Nick, if you could pull this up, by the US House of Representatives Committee on House Administration. This was published in May 2020, And they highlighted the twenty eighteen California midterm elections and the challenges they saw arise in that midterm elections because of some of the legislative changes that were made. First California Assembly Bill 1921 legalized the practice of unlimited ballot harvesting in the state. This was passed around 2018, around the midterms. What that means is that any individual in the state of California has the right to go and collect ballots from any other individuals regardless of relationship, fill them out and send them in. California two years later, eighteen months later, also passed a law that made it permanent that every person registered in the state of California would get a ballot. David Friedberg (01:16:12): So tens of millions of ballots then get mailed out. Then there was another series of laws that were passed that said anyone can register to vote. You don't need to prove your citizenship. You can use a gym membership card as an example. So anyone can register to vote. There is no proof of ID when you get a ballot. There is no demonstration that the person who fills out the ballot has anything to do with the individual who's supposed to be voting that ballot, and it is legal for an individual to go out and collect hundreds or thousands of ballots, ship them in, and they will all qualify in these kind of mail in ballot voting processes. So there is nothing illegal or fraudulent going on. In fact, the system is operating exactly as intended. It has been set up and structured in a way that with the right construct, you can get an individual appointed, not elected, but appointed to a particular role in government under a quote free election in California. This is a foundational destruction of our rights to vote for people in a free democracy. I feel it's been eroded slowly over time to such an extent now, and I'm not some crazy MAGA mother or whatever people wanna classify me as for pointing this out, but you can go down this list. They are all written out in this document. Every one of these laws that were passed in California over time that in aggregate create the environment and the construction for elections to become appointments and no longer free democratic elections where the principle, very importantly, the principle should be one individual, one vote. And if you opt to not vote, your vote should not be counted. So I think that there's no fraud. I don't think Jason Calacanis (01:17:49): there's anything illegal. Sounds like you believe there's massive fraud. David Friedberg (01:17:51): Yeah. I think this is not fraud. This is this is the way the law can set up. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:17:55): It's not fraud. David Friedberg (01:17:55): It's manipulative. The way the law is set up. Jason Calacanis (01:17:57): Okay. Sachs, you say, David Friedberg (01:17:58): of course, fraud. Appointment. Okay. Yeah. Jason Calacanis (01:18:01): It sounds to me like you're describing fraud, but you're saying the system allows fraud. Fraud is breaking the law. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:18:07): Fraud is breaking the law. The law allows them to do it. Jason Calacanis (01:18:09): If you pay people on Skid Row, that's not legal. David Friedberg (01:18:12): That is illegal. But you are allowed to go out and get anyone to register. You're allowed to go out and collect all the ballots, and the people that are doing it, as long as you're not getting paid per ballot, you're legally allowed to do it. Let me pause for one second. When you look at any one of these laws in isolation, you can understand that there is some altruistic intention or there can be framed to be an altruistic intention behind it. Increase voter activity, give everyone the right to vote, give more people access, more channels to vote, etcetera, etcetera. And you can rationalize away how every one of these laws makes it easier and adds lubrication to the system. And now we've got a, quote, more accessible democracy for everyone. But the truth is that there is a concept in insurance called adverse selection, which is if there is a moment to exploit something, the criminals will exploit it to the extent that it will become asymmetric. The criminals or the or the do badders, not the do gooders, will find a way to take advantage of a hole in a system just like hackers do to break into a network. And that's where you believe Raman did tell you how it Spencer Pratt did. This set of mechanisms, this set of construction has allowed for a system that now has evolved into an appointment system. Jason Calacanis (01:19:24): Raman worked the system better than Spencer Pratt. David Sacks (01:19:28): She had a better cheating operation, obviously. You could see it in the chart. The you just look at the number of votes. Jason Calacanis (01:19:34): Okay. Define cheating here, just so we're clear. David Sacks (01:19:37): How does it happen where Bass stays flat and then Raman and Pratt just switch places? So on election day, he's the clear number two, and then they keep counting for a week. They don't even know how many ballots they're supposed to have. I mean, none of this stuff is locked down. Okay. Let me explain how the cheating works. And to Friedberg's point, it may or may not be legal. So I, you know, I don't wanna get sidetracked by whether the fraud is legal or illegal, but I think we all know it's crooked. And here's how it works. Jason Calacanis (01:20:05): First of all Yeah. Explain what's David Sacks (01:20:07): crooked here. Explain it to you. David Friedberg (01:20:08): In detail. David Sacks (01:20:09): To you. Yeah. And if I misstate a fact, then let me know. So first of all, California sends out ballots to every registered voters. It's something like 23, 24,000,000 people. Only nine and a half million people vote. So what happens to the other 14,000,000 ballots? I have a friend who lives in LA. He manages apartment buildings. He says that the ballots just pile up, you know, at the mailboxes Yes. That everybody has in the buildings. There's, like, loose ballots everywhere. They're sent to people who don't even live there anymore. He, like, recognizes that the names there are people who haven't lived there in years. So the voter rolls are dirty. They haven't been cleaned up in years. Okay? Then you have the issue that there's no voter ID on election day. There's no voter ID to even get registered. When you sign your ballot, they run it through a machine. As long as the signature matches 40%, I don't even know what 40% means. It's like less than half accurate. The machine says it's fine. Okay? And then it doesn't even check the signature of the voter if you have a supposed witness. So the voter can just put like a little x on their signature as long as the witness says and they sign. But there's no registration of witnesses. Anybody can be a witness. There's no database of witnesses. And so the witnesses puts a squiggle. So what is to stop the so called ballot harvester from going, filling out these ballots, putting a little x on the voter, putting a little squiggle on on the the witness, and then dumping these ballots. There's no chain of custody. Jason Calacanis (01:21:43): So the risk would be they would be arrested David Sacks (01:21:46): And then gun Gavin violence. Jason Calacanis (01:21:47): Right? Yeah. David Sacks (01:21:47): Well, what is their expectation of getting caught? Gavin Newsom just signed a law making it virtually impossible to audit any of this stuff. So now even if they thought maybe they could get caught, let's just take a look at all the other types of fraud happening in California right now that we know about. We know that there's billions of dollars in fraud in California for things like Medicaid fraud, unemployment fraud, EBT fraud, hospice fraud, fraud related to the homeless industrial complex, and on and on. That's all been proven. Okay? Is it really so hard to believe that some of the same groups, the same interest groups, the same NGOs would be willing to exploit these loopholes in the dirty voter rolls, in the millions of ballots that go to incorrect or nonexistent addresses, the nonexistent chain of custody, the nonexistent signature verification, the no ID, not only to vote but to register, counting ballots without postmarks if received seven days later, registering thousands of ballots from homeless shelters that don't even have any beds. These are all known things. So when you say that there's no fraud, it's like, come on, there's loopholes, and all you gotta do is look at the results and see that there's something crooked going on here. Jason Calacanis (01:23:04): Okay. So you're in the camp that there is fraud going on because where there's David Sacks (01:23:07): smoke It being may be legalized, but it's fraud. Jason Calacanis (01:23:12): Okay. So you believe there's fraud? David Sacks (01:23:14): Look. When you start mailing out millions of ballots to people who don't even vote, and then you have no audit requirements, no chain of custody, no punishments, no penalties, no investigations, and there's a huge incentive to Jason Calacanis (01:23:25): make investigations, both by attorney generals David Sacks (01:23:28): In California? By who? Jason Calacanis (01:23:31): I'll I'll I'll pull up the history of California. I will say after every election, there are tons of civil lawsuits filed. Like, obviously, Trump filed 60 of 60 when David Sacks (01:23:40): Not in California. Jason Calacanis (01:23:42): I don't know David Sacks (01:23:42): if he did just made it impossible to do that kinda audit. He just Jason Calacanis (01:23:45): said I to the think that's because he was beaten so badly in a democratic state. There was no reason to, but I don't know why he didn't file in California. But he filed 60 of these, and everybody kinda does that. They file these constantly, and attorney generals can. So in this case, Chamath, if there's so much smoke, if this statistic seems so improbable and there was the Nick Shirley video of going to Skid Row and this possibility that they were paying junkies and people who were high to vote, this would be easily catchable actually. This would take a conspiracy for thousands and thousands of votes to have been swung, and that's what we're saying here. We're saying upwards of 10,000 votes were swung, but certainly 5,000. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:24:27): You would Jason Calacanis (01:24:27): need a conspiracy of hundreds of people or at least dozens to do that. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:24:31): Good luck going to Skid Row and getting some meth addict to go on the record. Jason Calacanis (01:24:36): I think they actually got somebody to go on the record. Actually, that's David Friedberg (01:24:38): a that's the There's fact videos a of this. Yes. Jason Calacanis (01:24:40): Yeah. Yeah. No. That that's the crazy part about it is they, are saying Skid Row people got paid 2 or $3 and that somebody was found guilty of this. Brenda Lee Brown Armstrong, she pled guilty in 2026 of paying David Sacks (01:24:54): people designed to allow fraud. It's this it's designed. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:24:59): It is designed. Is 40 why Jason Calacanis (01:25:01): 3,000 votes Chamath Palihapitiya (01:25:01): to what? We live in a autocracy in California where one political machine has shaped the laws so inexorably that whether it's a mayor or it's a state legislator or it's a state senator or it's the governor, it's a one way door. There is only one party that can win. And we are slowly seeing that that party increasingly does not have the ability to govern a state this dynamic and this complicated. They've changed the rules to make sure that that monopoly is enforced. We have all tacitly approved it by supporting or voting or not saying anything. And the end result has yet to be unveiled because it's gonna take another couple of decades for all of this rot to really destroy these places. The reality is the voters probably should be given a chance to have Spencer Pratt push back on what is the machine so that at a minimum, what they learn is that the machine wasn't working nearly anywhere close to the way it is intended. Instead, what will happen is two people that are in various shapes and forms pretty deeply unqualified and very similar now essentially get to give you not much of a choice at all. So I think the sad thing is Friedberg is right and Saxe is right. Friedberg is right. The laws have been shaped this way to make legal what would otherwise be an illegality. And Sacks is right, which is that any rational person should look at these laws and say, this is fraudulent. The unfortunate situation is unless there's some cataclysmic decision in California, this is what we're stuck with. It is time to vote all of these people out. David Friedberg (01:27:02): You can't. You can't vote. What do you mean? How are you gonna do it? Chamath Palihapitiya (01:27:06): Anyone can register. Pratt can file. Spencer Pratt can do Jason Calacanis (01:27:11): all kinds of lawsuits here. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:27:12): Can I answer can I answer Friedrich's question? Sure. There is one break the glass way. And I've talked to a few of these guys about what that is. How do you change the system? You must get somebody at the absolute top of the ticket elected. That person is Steve Hilton. And if that happens, there is one thing that Steve Hilton can do to start to completely change the way that the state is run, which is instantly on day one declare a state of emergency. If you pull on this thread, what you will find, there are lots of things you can do to clean up how California works under a state of emergency. I'll leave it at that. Jason Calacanis (01:27:56): Yeah. There's some common sense here. We shouldn't send ballots out to everybody. That made sense maybe during COVID. And if you can't be bothered to have ID, then maybe you shouldn't vote. And I don't think that there has been an election, a major election that has been swung by election fraud. The Heritage Foundation has spent many, many tens of millions of dollars on this, I understand. And they have a really great, project that tracks this. People file lawsuits like Trump did, like Al Gore did. Everybody's always filing lawsuits over this. It's never enough to swing an election, but there's definitely on the margins David Sacks (01:28:37): Kennedy versus Nixon, bro. Jason Calacanis (01:28:38): Hold on. Let me finish. David Sacks (01:28:39): The mob got Kennedy elected versus Nixon. Jason Calacanis (01:28:41): I'm talking in modern history. Yeah. In modern David Sacks (01:28:43): famous. That's pretty famous. Jason Calacanis (01:28:45): Okay. We well, we can get into if that's true or not as well. The appearance of imprisonment. David Sacks (01:28:52): History. Lyndon Johnson only got elected to the senate. He got a start in politics through ballot fraud. Jason Calacanis (01:28:57): We absolutely should have voter ID. We should stop sending everybody one of these because the appearance of impropriety is the problem here. Both sides, crazy new flash, news flash everybody, both sides cheat, both sides bend the rules. One side does it by limiting access, the other does it by providing too much access. All these politicians, overwhelming majority of them are unethical, and all they care about is getting elected, and they have tons of people working for them in both parties to massage these, election results. And if you get caught, it is a serious penalty. There has not been in modern history major elections. Go ahead and go to the Heritage Foundation. They find all the nooks and David Friedberg (01:29:36): crannies the word fraud, like, as if it's a thing, but it's not. I'll tell you who's at fraud. No. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:29:40): There's fraud. Jason Calacanis (01:29:41): At the end the day, hold on hold There is fraud. There are people have been caught doing fraudulent things. David Friedberg (01:29:46): The one group that is fundamentally to blame is congress. We have an opportunity. There have been opportunities to pass laws that will make it illegal for people to vote if they are not citizens, if they are not properly registered, and if they don't show up with ID. That is a very simple solve to this democratic electoral process. We can't have a situation where someone is legally allowed to go out and collect a 100 ballots that they find sitting in the lobby of an apartment building or for people to register to vote with a gym membership card when fundamentally the federal government already knows if you're not paying your taxes, you're required to have a driver's license to drive a car. You have to have ID. You have to be registered in the system to do nearly anything and everything in this country as it is. So to exclude that very simple requirement from the most foundational obligation that we all have as citizens of this country is inherently wrong, And it needs to be addressed by Congress. And if Congress fixes it and there are federal laws that create systems that ensure that elections are all about one person getting one vote and they're legally allowed to vote, then this doesn't become an issue. Short of this, I worry where this goes because over time, the fewer people actually believe that elections are real. And I hate being on here sounding like I'm an election fear mongering guy who's telling people that elections aren't real. But the longer this goes on, the more difficult it will be for people to actually have faith in the system that we're all operating within. And that's when things get ugly, and it needs to be fixed. Jason Calacanis (01:31:19): Yeah. I'm strongly agreeing. If you can't be bothered to get a driver's license or a passport, maybe you don't need to vote. Yeah. David Friedberg (01:31:27): Congress can fix it, and they should. Jason Calacanis (01:31:30): Yeah. And there's by the way, there's a ballot measure in California. If people in California want this, they can just vote for the ballot measure. David Sacks (01:31:37): You mean the voter ID ballot measure? Jason Calacanis (01:31:39): Yeah. David Sacks (01:31:39): Yeah. That's very important, actually. Look. If that fails, it's kind of our last chance to save anything. Jason Calacanis (01:31:45): For California's last chance. Yeah. Yeah. And you do sound like an your entire speech, David, was you sound like an election denier. David Sacks (01:31:52): I don't care what you label it. Look. The the the Democratic Party as a whole were election deniers about Trump winning in 2016. They concocted the whole Russiagate hoax to basically try and discredit his election. David Friedberg (01:32:03): When you look at the the difference between walk in and mail in ballots, and I've seen everyone try to argue why that's so different, it doesn't compute for me. That's it. I'm not, like, trying to make up a fact. This is the fact. Look at this fact on the on the on the screen you're looking at right now. This is the difference in the data. This data tells me that something is wrong. That's it. Obviously. It's statistically impossible. Fearmonger because I don't like who got elected. I don't give a what goes on in LA. In fact, I think it's better for LA if they deal with the socialist mayor for a couple years so they come out the other side realizing they shouldn't embrace socialist principles. I think it's great for the country, actually. I think it's great for New York. I think it's great for Seattle. I think it's great for wherever Minnesota, wherever people want to elect socialists in this country. Let's run into it. I'm all about jumping through the socialist well. So we jump out the other side like the Latin American countries are doing now when everyone wakes up and realize how up socialism is because it denies everyone the opportunity for economic mobility. It denies everyone their individual liberties that this country was founded on. Socialism is wrong. It's broken. It doesn't work. And if you all wanna go through that lesson, do it. Go for it. Let's do it. Let them get elected. But the numbers on that election data show me that that's not what the people wanted, that it's not very clear or evident to me that that's what people voted for. And that's where I'm like, my god, the system itself has become a system of appointment, not a system of election. And I get fired up about that personally. Jason Calacanis (01:33:24): Sach, you wanna add anything once we wrap here on this? David Sacks (01:33:26): Yeah. The party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears. It was their final, most essential command. This is obvious. Just look at the charts. Look at the data. We know something crooked happened. It's statistically impossible. The only thing we don't know is whether it was illegal fraud or legal fraud, meaning they've created so many loopholes and so much corruption in the law that what they did is possibly legal. It is still corrupt. It is still crooked. It is ridiculous. Everyone can see it. Do not deny the evidence of your eyes and ears. Even if they call you an election denier, I personally don't care. I deny it. Spencer Pratt should be in the runoff. I deny that Rahman won legitimately. Jason Calacanis (01:34:09): Okay. Statistics are the statistics, and they would scream that you should have the attorney general of California and the federal attorney general look into it. And if they catch people doing this stuff and they have caught one person and Nick Shirley went down there and you see people on Skid Row, You know? Listen. Homeless people should have the right to vote theoretically. David Sacks (01:34:29): Why did Newsom just sign a law making audits like that even harder? Jason Calacanis (01:34:32): Yeah. I I'm not defending Newsom here. I'm saying, where's the attorney general? If there is, in fact, fraud, Trump has the ability with his hands, elected attorney generals to go after this. He controls that part of, you know, our our democracy. He should file, and they should go figure out what happened statistically. So Trump, president Trump, thank you, president Trump. Go do it. Go do it. You got this attorney general chasing down everybody else. Go to this election. Use your powers, audit it, and find them. Like, where's president Trump? David Sacks (01:35:04): You didn't hear my point that the the state law just made it harder for the federal government to come in and audit the voter rolls. Jason Calacanis (01:35:11): So Yeah. He can still do it. David Sacks (01:35:12): I'm sure they will do it. I'm sure they'll do it if they can. Jason Calacanis (01:35:15): Yeah. I mean, trust me. Trump does what he wants. If we've learned anything, he will do what he wants, and he's not doing this now. David Sacks (01:35:22): What I find amazing is that the media, instead of asking tough questions like, how did this happen? How could the vote swing so wildly in ballots that were only found Hold on. After election day, the media, instead of trying to demand answers and demand accountability, is trying to cover up and say nothing wrong happened here. It's unbelievable. It's outrageous. Jason Calacanis (01:35:45): What is the best theory, steel man? And what's the best theory of why the media David Friedberg (01:35:49): is discrepancy? Mean, we're sitting here talking about it. Jason Calacanis (01:35:51): What's the discrepancy? Anybody have a steel man of why this discrepancy could have happened? That's legitimate. Anybody? Chamath Palihapitiya (01:35:58): The media is hanging on to a snapshot of the past where people actually cared what they said. And every time that they can actually reestablish trust, they kind of don't do it because the people that they want to curry favor with are willing to play along. So I think what happens is the media is like, well, I have two choices. I can actually say that Spencer Pratt should have won or could have won or investigate why he didn't win, but then I'm kind of tacitly supporting Trump. And hold on a second. I'm supposed to hate Trump. So no. Yeah. You know, this is completely normal. Nothing to see here. Everybody moves on. Hoping that then they get ingratiated into the machine. Like, they're gonna get run over and used like everybody else does too. So that's what's happened. David Friedberg (01:36:50): Yeah. Your point is so spot on, Chamop, that, like, if it's so polarized, meaning that there's two polls, that if you do question, it's almost like you were being put in the Trump pro Trump camp just like the word MAGA is thrown around like, oh, you're a MAGA guy because you're questioning election integrity. It has nothing to do with MAGA. It's just simple conversation about a particular topic. But if it's diametric to the other camp, you're you know, you must be in that bad camp. And so then they don't wanna be put in that camp. It's so true. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:37:19): For mathematical and statistical literacy. And what happened here is mathematically and statistically. Jason Calacanis (01:37:24): Nobody has any Impossible. Steel man or a concept of how this could have happened. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:37:29): I can tell you the statistical odds that this would have happened, and it's one in a trillion. Jason Calacanis (01:37:34): Okay. What if So Chamath Palihapitiya (01:37:35): are you telling me the one in a trillion shot hit? Jason Calacanis (01:37:38): I I'm asking if there is any I'm not. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:37:41): Just just this one time? Jason Calacanis (01:37:42): I'm not. I'm asking if there's anybody who steelmans this in any way. I'm asking if they'll be of David Sacks (01:37:48): Why is it so psychologically important for you to cling to the idea? Jason Calacanis (01:37:53): It's not. David Sacks (01:37:53): That California elections that California elections are completely corruption free after all the things they've clearly done to corrupt them. Answer to your question is ID. You admit. There's like it's chock full of loopholes. Jason Calacanis (01:38:06): You asked me why am I holding onto it. I'm not holding onto it. For the purpose of discussion and having an intellectually honest discussion, I am asking the three of you if there you've heard or if you have any theory, just for the rigorousness of the discussion. This isn't my position. David Sacks (01:38:21): Where are all the democracy protectors in the media now? They also said that they were guardian they were the guardians of democracy. They're gonna protect democracy. Where are they to ask questions? Jason Calacanis (01:38:30): Theory that I can think of I'll steal a minute myself. I because I I think you do need to be rigorous I'll tell this discussion. But you David Friedberg (01:38:36): go ahead first. Yeah. Jason Calacanis (01:38:37): The the only thing I can think of is her ground game is more sophisticated because they've been at it longer than Spencer Pratt, and he didn't have a ground game that took this in since he's in nontraditional first time candidate. That's the only thing I can Chamath Palihapitiya (01:38:50): think of. Is sophisticated a coded word for he was a bribing Skid Row homeless junkie? Jason Calacanis (01:38:55): He just has it he doesn't have an election machine to collect ballots, and collecting ballots is legal. David Sacks (01:38:59): So she Jason Calacanis (01:39:00): asked the that's the question. David Sacks (01:39:01): She had a better cheating operation, obviously. We're saying the same thing. We're not actually saying anything different. David Friedberg (01:39:07): The Twitter commentary was that people were waiting because there's so many people that are so against Spencer Pratt, but they wanted to be sure that they voted for the right candidate, whether it's Raman or Bass. And so the people that held their ballots the longest saw that polling data that Bass was gonna win. That that's why they all voted for Raman last minute was to try and promote her to make sure Jason Calacanis (01:39:33): that shift because of the you could have two Democrats at the top of the ticket. David Friedberg (01:39:36): That's right. And they didn't want Spencer Pratt to have a shot as a general. And that by the way, you know, I mean, if you saw my interview with Spencer Pratt Yeah. He said Rahman registered one hour before the deadline, and she's friends with Bass. And that the whole point was to keep him from actually making it onto the general ballot. Jason Calacanis (01:39:51): Interesting. David Friedberg (01:39:52): So that some of the coordination that people were making in their minds was like, we gotta make sure we vote for the two Democrats, and then they'll figure out, hey. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:39:58): Is it Bass or Robin that strategy. Jason Calacanis (01:39:59): Let's just box him out. Yeah. Got it. David Friedberg (01:40:02): Which is, like, why they all waited till the last minute to vote it for for to vote Jason Calacanis (01:40:05): for Trump. How do you coordinate something like that? That that that's always the question I have with these, like, David Friedberg (01:40:09): people all brilliant geniuses. It's it's hundreds of thousands of brilliant geniuses in Sid Row that David Sacks (01:40:14): There's a chat David Friedberg (01:40:14): group. Out. Yeah. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:40:15): If there's a chat group I mean, it's not it's not that complicated. David Sacks (01:40:18): Bro, the ballad harvesters did it. What Friedberg said just happened is just that the ballot harvesters did it, not the actual voters, obviously. Jason Calacanis (01:40:26): And ballad harvesting is legal, but it's sketchy, and maybe they and if there are ballot harvesters, I think that Trump and the DOJ can catch David Sacks (01:40:35): these How the David Friedberg (01:40:36): is it legal that someone can go out and collect other people's ballots and fill them out and send them in? It's the craziest to me. Jason Calacanis (01:40:43): No evidence of fraud right now. Statistics don't look good. Donald j Trump, you control the Department of Justice. Go investigate it. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:40:50): Okay. I love you guys, but I'm hungry. I gotta go. Jason Calacanis (01:40:52): This has been an amazing episode of the all in pockets. Bye bye. Chamath Palihapitiya (01:40:58): Love you, boys. Bye bye. We David Sacks (01:41:09): open sourced it to the fans, and they've just gone crazy with it. David Friedberg (01:41:26): We Jason Calacanis (01:41:32): should all just get a room and just have one big huge orgy because David Sacks (01:41:35): they're all just useless. Jason Calacanis (01:41:36): It's like this, like, sexual tension that they just need to release somehow.

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